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rfmcdonaldBack in 2006, I made an extended post at Jonathan Edelstein's sadly-defunct blog the Head Heeb about another problematic apology, this one relating to the genocide inflicted against the Herero people in what was then German Southwest Africa by Imperial Germany. Here it is below.
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"Germany and the Herero: What now?
"Back on the 29th of August, The Globe and Mail of Toronto featured an article by Stephanie Nolen ("'Forgive us our trespasses'") that examined the contentious question of how--or even if--the Herero of Namibia should be compensated for their sufferings in the Herero Genocide of 1904-1907.
First, some background. If the massacre of Armenians in the First World War by the Ottoman Empire counts as Europe's first genocide, then what the German Empire did to the cattleherding the Herero people of what is now central Namibia counts equally as southern Africa's first genocide. After tensions over land use in what was then German South-West Africa exploded into a revolt in 1904, Germany responded by dispatching a colonial expeditionry force led by one General Lothar von Trotha who announced for all his intention to and kill the remainder. He went on to do just that, killing thousands of Herero combatants outright in battle as at Waterberg, forcing entire family groups to flee across the Namibian desert in a search for safety in British Bechuanaland and that left tens of thousands dead of starvation and/or dehydration, and consigning the remainder to barren concentration camps from which many Herero were taken to be used as disposable labour units. In the end, perhaps as much as 80% of the Herero population died.
Needless to say, the genocide suffered by the Herero in the first decade of the twentieth century continues to dominate the present-day Herero political agenda. Besides leading to the long-term loss of their lands and the conversion of the surviving Namibian Herero a population that derived its subsistence from migrant and cash labour, the Herero position in Namibia has been permanently weakened. At present, the Ovambo of the north not only form a slim majority of the Namibian population, but comprise much of the core of the ruling South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) party.
Even after this acknowledgement, it took some time before the German government offered compensation, when, as Nolen writes, in 2005 "Ms. Wieczorek-Zeul finally put money on the table, pledging $28-million over 10 years for a reconciliation initiative. "The process of reconciliation now needs more action to make reconciliation in fact more tangible," she said." This proposed compensation has, in turn, become a controversial issue with the Namibian government, which would prefer that any compensation money be given to it rather than to the Herero, in conformity with its policy of non-tribalism and national unity. The Herero naturally object.
Even among the Herero, there are strong and growing divisions as to whether their communal authorities or individual Herero should receive the compensation funds.
None of these issues are likely to be solved soon. Likely none of these issues will ever be solved to the satisfaction of all of the parties involved, simply because of the enormity of what happened to the Herero, the impossibility of doing justice to those people who themselves lived through the atrocities, and the asymmetrical effect of the events (a minor enough episode in German colonial history, a cataclysm for the Herero nation). There's only the knowledge of what might have been and what perhaps can never be:
"Germany and the Herero: What now?
"Back on the 29th of August, The Globe and Mail of Toronto featured an article by Stephanie Nolen ("'Forgive us our trespasses'") that examined the contentious question of how--or even if--the Herero of Namibia should be compensated for their sufferings in the Herero Genocide of 1904-1907.
First, some background. If the massacre of Armenians in the First World War by the Ottoman Empire counts as Europe's first genocide, then what the German Empire did to the cattleherding the Herero people of what is now central Namibia counts equally as southern Africa's first genocide. After tensions over land use in what was then German South-West Africa exploded into a revolt in 1904, Germany responded by dispatching a colonial expeditionry force led by one General Lothar von Trotha who announced for all his intention to and kill the remainder. He went on to do just that, killing thousands of Herero combatants outright in battle as at Waterberg, forcing entire family groups to flee across the Namibian desert in a search for safety in British Bechuanaland and that left tens of thousands dead of starvation and/or dehydration, and consigning the remainder to barren concentration camps from which many Herero were taken to be used as disposable labour units. In the end, perhaps as much as 80% of the Herero population died.
Needless to say, the genocide suffered by the Herero in the first decade of the twentieth century continues to dominate the present-day Herero political agenda. Besides leading to the long-term loss of their lands and the conversion of the surviving Namibian Herero a population that derived its subsistence from migrant and cash labour, the Herero position in Namibia has been permanently weakened. At present, the Ovambo of the north not only form a slim majority of the Namibian population, but comprise much of the core of the ruling South West Africa People's Organization (SWAPO) party.
The Hereros' place in their own country has been just as surely diminished as has that of the Armenians in Turkey or the Jews in Poland. That is unchangeable. What doesn't seem unchangeable, however, is the Herero nation's present poverty. Compensation for this, in theory, is a good idea. In practice, it's more complicated.
After years of refusing to recognize the genocide, in 2004 Germany's Minister for Economic Cooperation and Development, Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul made a formal apology.
Speaking about the "genocide" committed by imperial German troops 100 years ago, Ms Wieczorek-Zeul referred to the "colonial madness" that had led to racism, violence and discrimination. "All what I have said has been an apology by the German government," the Minister concluded her speech, followed by loud applause by listeners.
German officials had until now not wanted to admit guilt and responsibility for the 1904 genocide in fear of compensation claims made by parts of the Herero community. By not admitting responsibility, Germany did not have to fear legal steps as the genocide was made before international law criminalized crimes against humanity. With an official apology, Germany also takes on responsibility and compensation claims are therefore becoming more viable. Traditional Herero Chief Kuama Riruako, who first was quoted as saying that he now would drop compensation claims against Germany, on Sunday gave a clear message. "We still have the right to bring the Germans to court."
Both traditional Herero leaders and German authorities now however hope to settle the matter outside courtrooms. The German government has indicated its will to "give targeted aid" to Namibia's Herero community, probably in addition to the considerable development aid already channelled from Berlin to Windhoek.
Even after this acknowledgement, it took some time before the German government offered compensation, when, as Nolen writes, in 2005 "Ms. Wieczorek-Zeul finally put money on the table, pledging $28-million over 10 years for a reconciliation initiative. "The process of reconciliation now needs more action to make reconciliation in fact more tangible," she said." This proposed compensation has, in turn, become a controversial issue with the Namibian government, which would prefer that any compensation money be given to it rather than to the Herero, in conformity with its policy of non-tribalism and national unity. The Herero naturally object.
A German official, speaking off the record because, he said, any comment is twisted and misinterpreted by different factions in Namibia, said there could be no individual reparations, or even payment to the Herero as a group, but only to the Namibian government.
"We are conscious of our history and we would like to help all Namibians and the policy of national reconciliation, but not one group. That would help to create serious problems in this country. Second, there is the question of whom to pay for what. It was more than 100 years ago. It was communal land. Who would get money? There is no answer."
But Phil Ya Nangoloh, chairman of the Namibian National Society for Human Rights, said it was ridiculous for the Germans to say the Herero should not be specifically compensated. "Not the whole country suffered from the genocide that was perpetuated from 1904-08. It was primarily against the Hereros and to a lesser extent the Namas and the Damaras," said Mr. Ya Nangoloh, who is not Herero.<
"There must be reparations, for heaven's sake. Maybe not financially [to individuals] but infrastructure, to contribute to human development, life expectancy, knowledge, income options of these people. Germany should institute development in areas affected by genocide."
Even among the Herero, there are strong and growing divisions as to whether their communal authorities or individual Herero should receive the compensation funds.
None of these issues are likely to be solved soon. Likely none of these issues will ever be solved to the satisfaction of all of the parties involved, simply because of the enormity of what happened to the Herero, the impossibility of doing justice to those people who themselves lived through the atrocities, and the asymmetrical effect of the events (a minor enough episode in German colonial history, a cataclysm for the Herero nation). There's only the knowledge of what might have been and what perhaps can never be:
Demographic analysis suggests there would be 1.8 million Herero today were it not for the killings, he said, making them the dominant ethnic group in the country rather than the Ovambo, who dominate government. There are, however, only about 120,000 Herero. "We ought to be in control of this country," the chief said, "and yet we are not."
A major injection of German cash could give the Herero much more clout, of course. But in Okahandja, people seem to have less calculating goals. "We want to feel like the Germans really know what they did, and they're sorry," the young man said. "That's all."
