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Over at Understanding Society, Daniel Little has an interesting post examining sociologist Charles Tilly's concept of a trust network, "a group of people connected by similar ties and interests whose "collective enterprise is at risk to the malfeasance, mistakes, and failures of individual members" (chapter 1, kindle loc 186)." Little argues that Tilly's analysis is "more analogous to descriptive ecology than it is to the theory of the gene," less a complete theory and more a collection of systematized observations, but still rather useful.

Trust networks, then, consist of ramified interpersonal connections, consisting mainly of strong ties, within which people set valued, consequential, long-term resources and enterprises at risk to the malfeasance, mistakes, or failures of others. (chapter 1, kindle loc 336)


A band of pirates, a group of tax resisters, or a village of non-conformists in a period of religious persecution fall in the category of trust networks. The stakes are high for all participants. On the other hand, the American Medical Association, the League of Women Voters, and the pickpockets who work the Gare St Lazare train station do not represent trust networks, though they have the properties of social action networks more generally. There is little real risk for any particular physician even if other members of the AMA don't play their parts in a lobbying campaign. The willingness of members of the extended group to commit their own actions to a risky common effort depends on their level of trust in other members -- trust that they will make their own contributions to the collective enterprise, and trust that they will not betray their comrades. (French historian Marc Bloch belonged to a trust network, the French Resistance, that led to his death in 1944 by the Gestapo.)

[. . .]

How will we recognize a trust network when we encounter or enter one? First, we will notice a number of people who are connected, directly or indirectly, by similar ties; they form a network. Second, we will see that the sheer existence of such a tie gives one member significant claims on the attention or aid of another; the network consists of strong ties. Third, we will discover that members of the network are collectively carrying on major long-term enterprises such as procreation, long-distance trade, workers' mutual aid or practice of an underground religion. Finally, we will learn that the configuration of ties within the network sets the collective enterprise at risk to the malfeasance, mistakes, and failures of individual members. (chapter 1, kindle loc 186)


Trust networks are particularly relevant in the context of efforts at violent extraction and domination -- both on the side of predators and prey. Predators -- bandits, pirates, and gangs -- need to establish strong ties within their organizations in order to be able to effectively coerce their targets and to escape repression by others. And prey -- farmers in ranch country, rural Jews in Poland, or home owners in central Newark -- are advantaged by the existence of strong ties of family, religion, or ethnicity through which they can maintain the collective strategies that provide some degree of protection.


These trust networks, Little goes on to suggest, play a vital role in inspiring resistance to the intrusions of the state--Little's example of the French Resistance's opposition to the Vichy state and its Nazi protectors is a case in point.
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