Sep. 16th, 2008

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Bloor Street United Church (300 Bloor Street West) is located on the northwestern corner of the intersections of Bloor West and Huron Streets. It shares facilities with the Alpha Korean United Church.

For more images, see the Boldt's picture and the Church's website.
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Over at the Financial Times, Neil Buckley's article "Great Leap Forward" takes a look at how some friends he made two decades ago in Voronezh, a city in southwestern Russia located near the Ukrainian border, are faring under Putin. By and large, they're doing well--so well, in fact, that they much prefer the safety of Putin-Medvedev years to the chaos of the 1990s.

This summer I went back to Voronezh. I wanted to find out what had become of Oleg and other friends, and their hopes for change. As Moscow correspondent for the FT I had watched as Russia's economic recovery gained strength - and as president Vladimir Putin clamped down on political freedoms in a way that seemed to dash the hopes of 20 years ago.

A few weeks after my visit, the sense of the clock being turned back was to become overwhelming. Oleg and Albert's homeland of South Ossetia became the scene of a conflict between Russia and US-backed Georgia. Suddenly, it seemed, we were back in the cold war, with Putin facing accusations of neo-imperialism, of attempting to recreate the Soviet Union.

Voronezh, however, does not look, feel or even smell like the Soviet Union. Two decades ago, arriving there felt like entering a parallel universe. The streets seemed drained of colour. There was precious little in the dingy shops; no fresh meat, no chocolate, no cheese. By the time we left in 1989, sugar and soap were rationed. There were three state-owned restaurants, all dismal, and no bars. Above all, the city seemed cut off from the world. The train from Moscow took 12 hours, international mail took weeks; calls outside the USSR had to be booked 24 hours ahead.

Today, ignore the still-appalling roads and Cyrillic signage and Voronezh, or the city centre at least, could be almost anywhere in Europe. McDonald's, MaxMara, Reebok and Toyota dealerships line the streets - even if the streets are still named after Lenin, Marx and Engels. There are hypermarkets, shopping malls, Irish pubs, sushi bars. Youngsters in skinny jeans go tenpin bowling or watch Indiana Jones and the Kingdom of the Crystal Skull at the refurbished Proletarian cinema, which now incorporates a coffee shop and pizza joint. Angels nightclub advertises guest DJs from Amsterdam. Charter flights from the local airport carry Russians off on holidays to Turkey.

Voronezh now seems so socially and culturally integrated with the outside world that I find it difficult to reconcile my impressions of the place with the idea of Russia being back in confrontation with the west. But talking to friends from 20 years ago, I realise many Russians are so scarred by what they went through in the years after the Soviet collapse that they are in no hurry to resume the experiment with building western-style democracy. Listening to their tales of hardship and bewilderment, chaos and hyperinflation, it becomes easier to understand why Russians in 2000 backed as their president a former KGB man who seemed to hold out the prospect of stability. And why they continue to back him today as prime minister, and his chosen successor, Dmitry Medvedev, as president, even though they seem to be leading Russia into a new period of isolation.
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Goldberg, Yonatan. Pluricultural Egypt: 1803-2006. 134 pages. Alexandria: Press universitaires, 2008.

In Middle Eastern studies, it's very nearly a cliché to compare the two successor states of the Ottoman Empire created in the aftermath of the Syria crisis of 1839-1840. Deprived of Egyptian revenues, the rump Ottoman Empire found itself exposed to the dubious mercies of the Russian Empire and the emerging nationalities of Rumelia, the Greeat War extinguishing this state and limitng it to the territories of western and central Anatolia. Egypt, in marked contrast, managed to adroitly play the French and the Russians off against the British long enough to allow it to bergin its industrialization and comence a territorial expansion (Sudan in the middle of the 19th century, Libya at the century's end, Syria and the Hejaz Arabia in the aftermath the Great War), leading us to the present where Egypt shares more similarities with the Two Sicilies or Castile than not.

How did Egypt survive where Turkey failed? Goldberg argues that it's Egypt's long tradition of pluriculturalism that saved it. As he notes, in its declining years Turkey reacted to the secessionist aspirations of its minority nationalities (its minority Christian nationalities) by wholesale massacre, intensifying the Ottoman state's existential crisis. As early as the reign of Muhammad Ali, in marked contrast, Egypt eagerly sought out foreign experts from across Europe to aid in his crash modernization program and even attracted settlement from the Two Sicilies and the southern Balkans to a booming Alexandria. The terrific pragmatism that drove the expansion of Egypt paid little attention to the ethnicity of the Egyptian state's subjects-then-critizens save inasmuch as they threatened the state's unity and sovereignty. In addition, the populationist theories that took into account the Egyptian population's decline from a 13th century pak population to less than half that in the early 19th century encouraged the leadership class to favour immmigrations as a way to avoid extinction, again so long as these minorities by conquest or by immigration did not threaten the state. The dubious case of the anti-Turkish sentiments of Aelxandrian Greeks aside, this threat was simply not felt. Accordingly, these attitudes aided Egypt's 20th century expansion and new immigrations, whether we're talking about the immigrations of European Jews to southern Syria, the French-influenced Maronites of Mount Lebanon, the animist and Christian tribes of southern Sudan, and from the results of past migrations, including groups as various as Armenians, Kurds, French, and Indonesians. Immigrations will only intensify, for as Godlberg notes Egypt will be able to maintain its 55 millions only through the movement of peoples from its limitrophic countries to the territories of the Egyptian state.

Goldberg's survey impresses me, but my one main fault with it is that it doesn't provide any but the briefing comparisons with states pluricultural by immigration like La Plata, Canada, France, and the Cape, or states pluricultural through commingling of native populations like Austria, Ruthenia, the Netherlands, and Prussia. There would have been a great deal to be learned about Egypt from these comparisons--is Mount Lebanon's restiveness similar to that of the Walloons? does the Argentine nationalizing ideology compare to that of Egypt's? is the South American movement to Portugal and Spain akin to that of Mesopotamians and Yemenis to the Nile and Syria?--and so I have to criticize Goldberg for the excessive shortness of his otherwise excellent survey.
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The Ottawa Citizen reports that the Conservative Party--expected to form the next government and unconcerned with the Liberal Party--is starting to become concerned about the growing popularity of the second-tier New Democratic Party and the Green Party.

The Conservatives said Sunday they are refocusing their primary aim on the NDP and the Green Party, citing them as a bigger threat to their reelection than the Liberals.

The Tories explained their dramatic shift in strategy, coming as the second week of the federal election begins, as being due to NDP Leader Jack Layton's rising popularity over that of Liberal Leader Stephane Dion - Prime Minister Stephen Harper's main target last week.

But the Conservatives also said that the NDP and Green Party are making significant inroads, not only in British Columbia and parts of the Prairies but in northern and southwestern Ontario.

"They're beginning to challenge the Liberals as our primary opponent in a number of key areas," a senior Conservative campaign source said Sunday. "Not just during the campaign but in the lead-up to the campaign, the NDP has played the role of the principal opposition to the government while the Liberals were abstaining from votes and retreated in a number of issues, the NDP were standing firm and opposing the government vigorously."

[. . .]

[Green Party Leader Elizabeth] May said the Greens are drawing support from disaffected Conservatives, and she cited the Ontario riding of Guelph, where she said the Green candidate was polling double the support of the Conservative candidate in the Sept. 8 byelection that was pre-empted by the federal election call.

"The Green Party is attracting enormous support from former Progressive Conservatives and from early supporters of (Canadian) Alliance and Reform who thought their party would be about grassroots democracy and ending the top-down rule in the old Conservative party," May said. "The Greens are actually eating into Mr. Harper's base. He does not want to admit it but that's what's happening.

But the senior Conservative official was willing to admit the growing strength of the Greens and NDP in a conference call Sunday with journalists.

"Splits can work for you in some place but they can also work against you," said the Conservative official, but noted that his party is seeing many disaffected Liberals gravitating toward the NDP and Greens.

"The changing landscape on the opposition side changes the splits. In some cases that's good for us, in some cases it's not."


This blogger expects that the New Democrats will slide and gives the Green part a 50:50 chance of getting a member elected, but we'll see. If May performs well in the leaders' debate, very interesting things could happen for her party.
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Not more than ten minutes ago, as I finished uploading eight pictures to my Flickr page after having written full descriptions of their background and including multiple links, I realized that I had enough photos to post one a day for an indefinitely length of time. Throw in the six disposable cameras that I have to process, and the one camera that I'm working on, and I think that A Bit More Detail is bound to become a photoblog.

Thoughts? If the request is reasonable, I'm willing to travel and snap pictures of particular places.
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