Aug. 20th, 2009

rfmcdonald: (shakespeare)
This series of three photos is the last slew of Shakespeare-related photos that I plan on posting for a while. It's also the last of the photos I've had accumulated unposted until, oh, late June or so. From this point in, you can expect fresh content!

Now enjoy the cute pictures of cute Shakespeare. He's cute, you understand? Of course you do, since anyone who didn't would be a monster and monsters don't read this blog. Yes.





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This news item probably doesn't surprise many people.

Abkhazians have ceased to worry about renewed war with Georgia since Moscow recognised their independence a year ago, but now opposition politicians fear their government is surrendering hard-won freedoms to Russia.

Russia and Nicaragua are the only countries that consider Abkhazia to be an independent state, following its unilateral declaration of independence from Georgia in 1991, meaning initial hopes that the Black Sea territory’s foreign policy could be “multi-vectoral” - looking towards Russia, Europe and Turkey - have been stillborn.

In the year since the August war between Russia and Georgia, Abkhazian president Sergei Bagapsh has signed deals giving Russia control over the border with Georgia proper, the Abkhazian railway network and airport, as well as rights to search for oil off its coast.

[. . .]

The issue of Russian influence is likely to dominate the December elections, but in reality the government of Abkhazia’s options are highly constrained by its dependence on Russia for trade and access to the outside world.

Half the state’s budget is a gift from Moscow, 95 per cent of trade goes across Abkhazia’s northern border, most inward investment is from Russia, and holidaymakers – who support most of Abkhazia’s economy – are almost all from Russia.

Apart from that, most Abkhazians have Russian passports, and local pensioners receive Russian pensions, which are ten times larger than they would get from Abkhazia.
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Last week, Afrique en ligne hosted an article reporting a claim by Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade, one that will be made more frequently as time passes, that Europe is trying to divide Africa by separating North Africa from sub-Saharan Africa.

"La stratégie de l'Europe est claire, elle consiste, à travers la mise en place de l'Union pour la Méditerranée (UPM), à séparer l'Afrique du Nord et l'Afrique subsaharienne", a déclaré le président Wade.

On rappelle que l'UPM, fondée le 13 juillet 2008 à l'initiative du président français, Nicolas Sarkozy, regroupe les Etats membres de l'Union européenne et les pays riverains de la Méditerranée dont l'Algérie, l'Egypte, le Maroc, la Mauritanie et la Tunisie.

Seule la Libye, au Nord de l'Afrique, a refusé de participer à cette union, réaffirmant son ancrage dans l'Union africaine (UA).

Le président sénégalais a invité, au cours de son intervention, les dirigeants de l'Afrique du Nord à se prononcer clairement par rapport à cette situation. "Il n'y a pas de réaction des pays du Nord de l'Afrique, or nous avons besoin de savoir si ces Etats vont aller avec nous dans la direction des Etats- Unis d'Afrique", a-t-il dit.

[. . .]

"The strategy for Europe is clear, it requires the establishment of the Mediterranean Union in order to separate North Africa and Sub-Saharan Africa," said President Wade.

The Mediterranean Union was founded on 13 July 2008 on the initiative of the French president Nicolas Sarkozy, bringing together the Member States of the European Union and Mediterranean countries including Algeria, Egypt, Morocco, Mauritania and Tunisia.

Only Libya, in North Africa, refused to participate in this union, reaffirming its roots in the African Union (AU).

The President of Senegal requested, in his speech, that the leaders of North Africa to take a clear position in relation to this situation. "There is no reaction from North Africa, we need to know whether these states will go with us towards the United States of Africa," he said.
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After making a couple of posts (1, 2>) critical of what Daniel Drezner sees as the reluance of Iceland and Icelanders to take responsibility for their economy's existential troubles, it turns out that he was working on a book review of Ásgeir Jónsson's new book Why Iceland? for the Wall Street Journal.

Mr. Jónsson often likens Iceland to America, even observing at one point that "the Icelandic dream is similar in character to the American dream." The ­differences are many, however. Although blessed with sound fundamentals, Iceland's size—its population (320,000) is roughly equivalent to Cincinnati's—helps to make its economy more volatile than America's, and its ­financial liberalization included greater risks. Kaupthing alone held a book value equal to 2½ times Iceland's GDP—thus the country's central bank did not have the capacity to act as a credible lender of last ­resort in the way the Federal Reserve did in the U.S. By the peak of the bubble, 85% of Iceland's equivalent of the Dow Jones Industrial Average came from the ­financial sector alone. Mr. Jónsson eventually ­acknowledges that "Iceland's bubble had its own way of doing things."

Later, Mr. Jónsson advances a "canary in the coal mine" argument, saying that Iceland is a harbinger of bigger countries being brought low. But, again, the country's size and the incompetence of its political leadership—watching obliviously as things grew out of control and then fell apart—made it especially ­vulnerable to global shocks. It is telling that, by the end of 2008, Iceland was the only country in Western Europe that failed to secure a currency swap line from the U.S. Federal Reserve, guaranteeing official access to hard currency. What happened in Iceland will probably stay in Iceland.

The greatest value of "Why Iceland?" is the window it may open on the country's mind-set. Mr. Jónsson ­devotes page after page to the international culprits that allegedly helped to scupper the economy. In one chapter it is hedge funds. In another, rating agencies, aiming their malice at Iceland in ­particular. Finally, it is a cabal of central bankers who, it is claimed, froze Iceland out of the help they could offer and forced it into the arms of the IMF. None of this is convincing. In the end, Icelanders who want to find someone to blame for their woes may want to look at themselves.
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British Columbian artist Emily Carr was, in addition to being a renowned painter whose art was heavily influenced by the material culture of the First Nations of Canada's Pacific coast and by the landscape, but was a notable author as well. Project Gutenberg of Australia has plain-text versions of the 1941 edition of Klee Wyck, 1942's The Book of Small, and 1944's The House of All Sorts, but here I'll be concerned with Klee Wyck.

Canada's really a patchwork of separate regions, but British Columbia is more distinct than most. The young Dominion of Canada formed around the connected waterways of the Great Lakes, and both St. Lawrence River and the Gulf of Saint Lawrence. At a stretch, Canada might be extended across the Canadian Shield northwards into the Arctic and westwards into the Prairies. But British Columbia? Concentrated away from the North American interior towards the coast, if not for problems of debt and MacDonald's promise of a rail link to the rest of Canada, British Columbia might not have joined in 1871.

But it did, and British Columbia became another outlying region of another late-settled land of European settlement. Modern British Columbia's population is overwhelmingly urban now, half of its population lives within the confines of greater Vancouver alone and a similarly large share in other regional centres. Instead of being a country with a large populations of skilled and underemployed agricultural labourers, Britain was now an overwhelmingly urbanized population increasingly. Many of the resources desired by the colonizers--lumber, for instance, and mineral ores--required large investments of capital, this capital leading to a concentration of, well, everything.vAnd outside? When Carr was born, the native population of British Columbia was still fairly prominent, continuing to predominate outside of the lower mainland (around Vancouver) and the southern tip of Vancouver Island (around the provincial capital of Victoria). Over at least the previous half-century, and possibly as early as Captain Vancouver’s explorations, British Columbian native societies were devastated by recurrent waves of first-contact epidemics, eventually becoming minoritized and shattered. Some survived, but shattered irrecoverably: the population of the Queen Charlotte Islands plunged from a peak of tens of thousands one century to as few as hundreds in the next. Even as Carr grew up, an entire civilization around her was dying.

What does this mean for Klee Wyck? The book is formed by the interaction between Carr's own standoffish, critical, innovative position as reader and the devastation that she could read in the native civilization of her land. Even as a child, this was apparent to her, visiting with her mother one former maid dying of tuberculosis. As an adult interested in the art of the area's First Nations, it was still more evident. Calling her a critical reader makes some sense of the below anecdote, recounting the origin of the phrase "Klee Wyck."

"What does Klee Wyck mean, Mrs. Wynook?" asked the Missionary.

Mrs. Wynook put her thumbs into the corners of her mouth and stretched them upwards. She pointed at me; there was a long, guttural jabber in Chinook between her and the Missionary. Finally the Missionary said, "Klee Wyck is the Indians' name for you. It means 'Laughing One'."


You have to know something well to make a joke about it, right? She certainly grapsed the possible connections between First Nations and Western art forms, even spiritualities.

Carr was attracted to the mixture of human figures with animals for the multiplicity of subtle interactions depicted. To a Gitksan's man's question of why she wanted to paint totem poles, I have the fictional Emily respond, "Because I love even what I don't understand. Because they show a connection. Trees and animals and people. I want white people and your grandchildren's children to see this greatness."

On a more spiritual level, Carr wrote in her journal, "Our BC Indians lived in their totems and not in themselves, becoming the creature that was their ideal and guiding spirit. They loved it and were in awe of it and they experienced something."


Carr's anecdotes frequently position her as witness to a civilization's ruin, with that civilization's survivors at best alongside her as mute spectators. The below anecdote is pretty representative.

At one side of the Tanoo beach rose a big bluff, black now that the sun was behind it. It is said that the bluff is haunted. At its foot was the skeleton of a house; all that was left of it was the great beams and the corner posts and two carved poles one at each end of it. Inside, where the people used to live, was stuffed with elderberry bushes, scrub trees and fireweed. In that part of the village no other houses were left, but there were lots of totem poles sticking up. A tall slender one belonged to Louisa's grandmother. It had a story carved on it; Louisa told it to us in a loose sort of way as if she had half forgotten it. On the base of this pole was the figure of a man; he had on a tall, tall hat, which was made up of sections, and was a hat of great honour. On the top of the hat perched a raven. Little figures of men were clinging to every ring of honour all the way up the hat. The story told that the man had adopted a raven as his son. The raven turned out to be a wicked trickster and brought a flood upon his foster parents. When the waters rose the man's nephews and relations climbed up the rings of his hat of honour and were thus saved from being drowned. It was a fine pole, bleached of all colour and then bloomed over again with greeny-yellow mould.

The feelings Jimmie and Louisa had in this old village of their own people must have been quite different from ours. They must have made my curiosity seem small. Often Jimmie and Louisa went off hand in hand by themselves for a little, talking in Indian as they went.


Might Carr have feared that the cultures she studied and the people who affiliated themselves with these were dying? Disease and collapse aside, she certainly didn't think that they would be treated with any dignity or respect, as equals.The story below, chapter 17, presages the slow-motion catastrophe that hints at the future catastrophe of Canadian Indian residential school system

Martha was sitting on the floor. Her hair was sticking out wildly, and her face was all swollen with crying. Things were thrown about the floor as if she did not care about anything any more. She could only sit swaying back and forth crying out, "Joey--my Joey--my Joey--"

Mother put some nice things on the floor beside her, but she did not look at them. She just went on crying and moaning.

Mother bent over Martha and stroked her shoulder; but it was no good saying anything, she was sobbing too hard to hear. I don't think she even knew we were there. The cat came and cried and begged for food. The house was cold.

Mother was crying a little when we came away.

"Is Joey dead, Mother?"

"No, the priests have taken him from Martha and sent him away to school."

"Why couldn't he stay with Martha and go to school like other Indian boys?"

"Joey is not an Indian; he is a white boy. Martha is not his mother."

"But Joey's mother did not want him; she gave him away to Martha and that made him her boy. He's hers. It's beastly of the priest to steal him from Martha."

Martha cried till she had no more tears and then she died.


This chapter was dropped from the educational edition.

Throughout Klee Wyck, still, Carr was able to convey not only the basic fact that First Nations people are actual individuals, but the complexity of their civilization and that civilization's continued power, even over foreigners, even in ruin. Take the story of her encounter with the wealth-bringing cannibal ogress Dzunukwa.

Her head and trunk were carved out of, or rather into, the bole of a great red cedar. She seemed to be part of the tree itself, as if she had grown there at its heart, and the carver had only chipped away the outer wood so that you could see her. Her arms were spliced and socketed to the trunk, and were flung wide in a circling, compelling movement. Her breasts were two eagle-heads, fiercely carved. That much, and the column of her great neck, and her strong chin, I had seen when I slithered to the ground beneath her. Now I saw her face.

The eyes were two rounds of black, set in wider rounds of white, and placed in deep sockets under wide, black eyebrows. Their fixed stare bored into me as if the very life of the old cedar looked out, and it seemed that the voice of the tree itself might have burst from that great round cavity, with projecting lips, that was her mouth: Her ears were round, and stuck out to catch all sounds. The salt air had not dimmed the heavy red of her trunk and arms and thighs. Her hands were black, with blunt finger-tips painted a dazzling white. I stood looking at her for a long, long time.

The rain stopped, and white mist came up from the sea, gradually paling her back into the forest. It was as if she belonged there, and the mist were carrying her home. Presently the mist took the forest too, and, wrapping them both together, hid them away.

"Who is that image?" I asked the little Indian girl, when I got back to the house.

She knew which one I meant, but to gain time, she said, "What image?"

"The terrible one, out there on the bluff."

"I dunno," she lied.

I never went to that village again, but the fierce wooden image often came to me, both in my waking and in my sleeping.


Have I mentioned that she could write, too?
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