[LINK] "Summer and politics in Crimea"

[rfmcdonald]

Open Democracy's Ariadne Arendt describes her experiences this past summer vacationing in Crimea, in its first post-Soviet summer under Russian occupation. Things felt, according to Arendt, unusually suspended: many important topics of conversation were off-limits, many things were worse, and people feared worse to come.

Upon arrival in Crimea this year, I found that two things stood out immediately: the general euphoria at the annexation, and the new travel circumstances. This was aptly embodied by my own journey with my family. We happened to travel on the very first flight of a new huge 700-seater Boeing, operated by Transaero, so TV crews saw us off from Moscow and greeted us in Simferopol upon arrival. The plane was ceremoniously welcomed by a celebratory 'water arch,' pumping water over the plane on the runway from two fire engines, a bizarre yet typical display of Russian (Soviet) bravado. Previously, the majority of holidaymakers would travel by train through Ukraine, but this had now become a risky affair, and the previously neglected Simferopol airport was bursting at the seams, unable to cope with the sudden volumes of traffic.

Understandably, travel became the first topic for any conversation with newcomers. Aeroflot audaciously launched its new budget airline 'Dobrolet' ('good flight') which after 55 days had to cancel its flights because of the sanctions. There was also the 'single ticket' route option from Russian Railways: a combined ticket to the coastal cities of the Black Sea (Anapa or Krasnodar); buses to the port; a journey by ferry to Crimea; and further buses to local destinations – quite a journey and by no means simple or 'single.'

A 'direct' train avoiding Ukraine started operating in August. It took 46 hours from Moscow (as opposed to the usual 26) and also involved passengers having to disembark and re-embark for the ferry crossing. There was also talk of a direct bus route following a similar route. Independent travellers could go by car, but hugely overcrowded ferries caused queues of up to two days at the ports.

The usual train route still exists, though few people are aware of it, and those who are avoid it. There were rumours that almost anyone could be taken off the train at the border if they were suspected of being a Russian forces volunteer trying to gain access to the country as a tourist; special travel permits were essential. I chose this option for my return journey: the train is now mainly used by short-distance travellers, and I ended up having to pay Ukrainian customs small bribes amounting to approximately £60 for travelling without a permit.

This huge variety and unpredictable nature of routes, making it ironically more difficult and more expensive for Russians to reach Crimea now than when it was part of Ukraine, was a natural subject of hype and rumour. But also a popular subject, not least because it was a generally neutral introductory topic, a good ground for gauging your companion’s political stance without directly approaching it, which caution had suddenly become very necessary.