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  • The Australian Financial Review warns that Brazil should try to avoid the trajectory of Italy from the 1990s on in falling prey to Berlusconi-like populism.

  • Bookforum looks at the very early history of word processing for writers.

  • Bloomberg View suggests that an inflexible China is on its way towards a Japan-style slump.

  • CTV News reports on despair among Newfoundlanders after the province's new budget.

  • The Financial Times notes how allegedly hiding a billion dollars' worth of debt cost Mozambique significantly with the IMF.

  • Foreign Policy looks at the distancing between the United States and Saudi Arabia under Obama.

  • Kate Beaton at Hark A Vagrant considers the implication of Dagger's frankly unwearable uniform.

  • Mashalla News reports on Portuguese-speaking communities in Lebanon, product of migration by Brazilians of Lebanese background.

  • New York's Jonathan Chait is critical of Sanders' approach as he is losing, while Vox visits Sanders' upstate New York stronghold of Ithaca.

  • Australia's SBS looks at immigrants whose ancestral countries no longer exist. How do they identify?

  • The Toronto Star looks at the impact of climate change on the agriculture of the Prairies.

  • Wired notes the struggle of Pinterest to move on from being an American platform to being a global one.

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  • Bloomberg notes the European Parliament's criticism of Turkey's democratic deficit, reports the Czech foreign minister's statement that Brexit propagandists are distorting the reality, reports on Putin's preparation for upcoming national elections, and looks at an American nuclear engineer accused of transferring technology to China.

  • CBC reports on the infuriating trial of two Alberta parents who allowed their child to die of untreated meningitis, and looks at the mixed opinions of Attawapiskat residents about their community.

  • MacLean's is profoundly critical of the new Newfoundland budget, fiscally regressive.

  • National Geographic and Wired each consider, in the light of Inky the octopus' famous escape from his New Zealand cage, the ethics of putting smart cephalopods in tanks.

  • The Toronto Star notes the recognition by the Supreme Court of Métis and non-status Indians.

  • Wired notes how online fandom is making it more difficult to dispose of LGBTQ characters on television.
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The Newfoundland village of Bay de Verde had a devastating day yesterday, when the Quinlan Brothers' fish plant there was destroyed by fire. The owners are promising to rebuild, which is good.

There's hope for the future in the Newfoundland fishing community of Bay de Verde, where the company that owns a fish processing plant razed by a dramatic fire Monday says it plans to rebuild.

Officials with Quinlan Brothers, who met with town representatives Tuesday, made the announcement while touring the ruins of the plant that had employed 700 workers at the peak of the season.

Company executives Wayne Quinlan and Robin Quinlan and longtime plant manager Barry Hatch, who appeared to be visibly shaken by the tour, turned down interview requests, but said they will rebuild "bigger and better than ever."

In a statement late Tuesday afternoon, Quinlan Brothers said it will still buy seafood from harvesters.

It is working on a plan to divert the seafood to other processing plants, which should result in some work for people normally employed at the Bay de Verde facility.

"The company is working round the clock to put in place arrangements with other producers to add capacity, increase shifts, etc. that will ensure the seafood landed is processed in a timely and high-quality manner," said the statement.

"The company's staff at Bay de Verde will be co-ordinating the transition of workers together processing facilities and they will keep in touch with the workforce to inform them of these developments as they are established."


This episode brings to mind how the eastern Prince Edward Island community of a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Souris,_Prince_Edward_Island">Souris never recovered from the 1993 Usen fish plant fire. There, they did not rebuild. Without reconstruction, I cannot expect a much smaller community will do nearly as well as the larger Souris.
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Last December, I wrote a short blog post about the latest study on the Greenland climate during the Norse era, suggesting that the temperature wasn't that much warmer than now. This, as was noted at the time, had substantial implications for the conventional model of Greenland's failure, and Vinland's abortive birth.

Climate change has often been cited as key element to this story — the basic notion being that the Vikings colonized Greenland in an era dubbed the “Medieval Warm Period,” which ran roughly from 950 to 1250, but then were forced to abandon their Greenland settlements as temperatures became harsher in the “Little Ice Age,” from about 1300 to 1850.

Yet in a new study published Friday in Science Advances, researchers raise doubts about whether the so-called Medieval Warm Period was really so warm in southern Greenland or nearby Baffin Island — suggesting that the tale of the Vikings colonizing but then abandoning Greenland due to climatic changes may be too simplistic. Their evidence? New geological data on the extent of glaciers in the region at the time, finding that during the era when the Norse occupied the area, glaciers were almost as far advanced as they were during the subsequent Little Ice Age.

“This study suggests that while the Vikings may have left Iceland when it was relatively warm, they arrived in the Baffin Bay region, and it was relatively cool,” said Nicolás Young, a professor at the Lamont-Doherty Earth Observatory at Columbia University and lead author of the study, which was conducted with three colleagues from Columbia and the University at Buffalo. “So for their initial settlement, and the first few centuries when they were there, they persisted and thrived somewhat during a relatively cool climate. And so it’s sort of a stretch to say that a cool climate is what drove them out of the region, when they demonstrated that they could be somewhat successful during a cool climate.”


The new emergent consensus seems to be that Norse Greenland ended quietly, without catastrophe. There were no bloody massacres by Inuit and/or pirates, no mass graves, no radical worsening of the environment. There was just a slow chipping away of a marginal colony in a marginal environment, perhaps with a slow drain of people to nicer climes--Iceland, say, or even mainland Europe. A Markland with a hostile environment, or a Vinland with a hostile population, would have been practically as distant from Greenland as the ancestral mother country of Norway, but that country was (comparatively) densely populated, a market for goods and a source for others and significant as the ultimate homeland of the Norse. Even a Vinland emptied of people would lack critical economic incentives for migrants.

There were good reasons for the Norse disinterest in Vinland. Fredrik Charpentier Ljungqvist's paper "The Significance of Remote Resource Regions for Norse Greenland" (PDF format) and Andrew J. Dugmore, Christian Keller, and Thomas H. McGovern's "Norse Greenland Settlement: Reflections on Climate Change, Trade, and The Contrasting Fates of Human Settlements in the North Atlantic Islands" make the very compelling arguments that the high Arctic was more economically important for the Greenlanders than Vinland: the High Arctic was the critical source of the narwhal tusks that were Greenland's main export that was a destination for regular hunting trips on an annual basis, but a more remote Vinland was a source of quality timber for shipbuilders that could be visited more rarely. (That, as Thomas W. N. Haine's "Greenland Norse Knowledge of the North Atlantic Environment" (PDF format) argues, Greenland's shortage of substantial stores of native wood was one of the factors dooming the Norse in the absence of regular trade, with Europe or with Vinland. Had this trade been here, the Greenlanders' exports to Europe remaining in vogue, the colony might well have survived.) What did remote Vinland offer the Greenlanders that was worth the trip?

All this brings us to the exciting reports of the discovery in southwestern Newfoundland of a potential Viking site, the second after world-famous L'Anse aux Meadows. That first site is located on the northern tip of the island of Newfoundland, opposite Labrador. Point Rosee, as the below map from the CBC shows, is located near the southwestern corner of Newfoundland, facing the Gulf of St. Lawrence.



If the Point Rosee site is confirmed to be Viking, this has huge implications for Greenland's history and potential. There has long been speculation that the Vikings travelled beyond L'Anse aux Meadows, deeper into Newfoundland and throughout the littoral of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. There is some speculation that the Vikings visited Prince Edward Island, at least, if not the wider Maritimes. Then as now, the Maritimes offer a considerably more clement physical environment than Newfoundland. A Viking outpost at Point Rosee would be very well positioned as a base to explore the Maritimes, it being far closer to Cape Breton or the Iles-de-la-Madeleine or Prince Edward Island than L'Anse-aux-Meadows.

Why did the Greenlanders not take advantage of their knowledge of this land, more hospitable than their own sub-Arctic home? The hostility of the native populations to the interlopers was surely a factor, but I would argue that even more important was the Greenlanders' disinterest in Vinland. They knew about the territory for centuries, and indeed likely made semi-regular visits to acquire the timber resources that they needed. Beyond these visits, the Greenlanders had little interest in colonizing a territory that not only lacked the natural resources that their economy depended on, but was far too remote from their Nordic homeland and their European market for a sustainable colony to ever develop, If, perhaps, the Greenlanders had a greater surplus, perhaps they might have been able to splurge, to experiment. Such a surplus was never likely, not with their marginal sub-Arctic colony being so highly dependent on long-range trade.

Very frequently in alternate history, it's imagined that the decision of Greenlanders to not settle Vinland was chance, that if any number of factors had gone differently they might have continued the Norse migration further west across the Atlantic. The new picture that is forming, with Greenlanders apparently being aware of their Vinland and its potential for centuries, suggests otherwise. The Greenlanders did not colonize Vinland, it seems, because such a colonization was not likely and quite possibly not possible given the constraints that they faced. Much would needed to change for the Norse to ever make it to the Americas. Perhaps the Norse expansion would need to be different, not a product of anarchistic migrations but rather a product of planning by a medieval Norse monarchy, one that did command the resources that would be needed for such a distant colony as Vinland. Such an expansion, it goes without saying, would be very different from the migrations we know about.
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The Irish Times features an article by one Sinéad Ní Mheallaigh reporting on her efforts to revive the Irish language in Newfoundland, the region in North America that has a very strong Irish linguistic heritage.

Tears prick my eyes as I watch the opening scenes of TG4’s ‘1916 :Seachtar na Cásca’ with my students in Canada. I realise that these brave men who organised the Rising and fought for their country had not been just fighting for the freedom of Ireland, but for the freedom of our culture. Without them, and the formation of a Republic of Ireland, I would not be living in Newfoundland right now, teaching the Irish language to students in Memorial University, St John’s.

The Ireland-Canada University Foundation funds six teachers to go to Canada and teach Irish each year, and I was lucky to secure one of these places for this academic year.

On arriving, I found a land that has many links to Ireland. Named “Talamh an Éisc”’, or the land of the fish, by the many fisherman emigrants who graced these shores in the 18th century, Newfoundland is the only place outside of Ireland that has an indigenous Irish language name.

Many people here refer to Ireland as “the Old Country” or “back home”, despite never having set foot on Irish soil in many instances. When I first arrived I almost felt guilty because of the high pedestal on which Newfoundlanders place Ireland. By comparison, how many Irish people could give you information about Newfoundland, or even point it out on a map?

When the Irish came here 200 years ago, it was quite an isolated place. They were far away from mainland Canada, far from America, and as a result, Irish traditions remained true and strong here within isolated communities. Even elements of the accent remains profoundly Irish to this day, passed down from generation to generation.

There is a strong interest in the Irish language. Irish descendent and farmer Aloy O’Brien, who died in 2008 at the age of 93, taught himself Irish using the Búntús Cainte books and with help from his Irish-speaking grandmother. Aloy taught Irish in Memorial University for a number of years, and a group of his students still come together on Monday nights. One of his first students, Carla Furlong, invites the others to her house to speak Irish together as the “Aloy O’Brien Conradh na Gaeilge”’ group.
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At least Newfoundland has this. From the CBC:

Several industries in Newfoundland and Labrador are seeing a silver lining in the low Canadian dollar, including the province's tourism operators.

Peggy Fisher, whose family runs Fisher's Loft in Port Rexton, told CBC Radio's On the Go that according to her bookings, the 2016 tourism season is looking up.

"They are about 25 per cent ahead of what they were last year — and last year was our best year ever," she said.

"I think we are getting a lot of Americans, the dollar exchange rate is definitely in their favour. Also, the geopolitical situation in Europe is making Newfoundland a very attractive place. We're sort of the safest and least expensive place to visit in the world."

Ken Thomas, co-owner of Sea Side Suites and Bonne Bay Inn in Woody Point, said Americans have started to take notice of the low loonie.
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MacLean's carries a Canadian Press article noting the dire state of post-oil boom Newfoundland and Labrador, so bad that apparently the province may return to receiving equalization payments.

Newfoundland and Labrador’s premier made clear Tuesday his province’s precipitous drop from national economic leader to fiscal basket case, as his Liberal government set a grim course with its first throne speech.

“It’s terrible,” Premier Dwight Ball said.

“There’s no one even close to us when you look at other provinces,” he told reporters outside the legislature. “We’ve never seen this ever before in our history.”

Fixing the mess, and an “unprecedented” $2-billion deficit, will start with a budget in April or May, Ball said. He signalled that everything from tax hikes to job losses and spending cuts are on the table.

Ball also raised the E word — as in equalization. It was a proud day as Newfoundland and Labrador, powered by oil and mining earnings, became a “have” province for the first time in 2008. It stopped receiving equalization payments that Ball now says would come in handy. The complexities of related requirements, however, mean little help is available so far, he told reporters.

“We’re at Ottawa’s door for all the programs that are in place.”
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Writing for Spacing from the northern Labrador region of Nunatsiavut, Shoshanna Saxe notes how exceptionally dependent the region is on easily-disrupted travel links with the outside world, and how locals have to adapt.

Travelling in the winter can be a pain, it’s also just part of being Canadian. While we complain about winter driving and delayed flights, in most of Canada, year round travel and freedom of movement are givens. If Pearson or Trudeau Airports close because of weather it’s national news.

In northern Canada, the reality can be quite different. In Nunatsiavut, a self-governed area extending across northern Labrador, all travel is by plane. There are no roads connecting communities and, once the ocean freezes, no boats. From November 15th to July 15th, the only way in and out of Nunatsiavut is on 19 passenger Twin Otters. The planes are the local buses, mail delivery, couriers, ambulances and, in the winter, the only sources of fresh produce.

Twin Otters are hardy planes; they can fly in weather and land on rough ground. But there are limits. Many of the communities in Nunatsiavut have rudimentary runways. In Nain, the administrative capital, the runway is 2,000 feet of gravel, not enough for a big plane or bad weather. The runways also lack the signalling technology that guides planes during landing in southern Canada. In Nunatsiavut, pilots must be able to see the runway. In Nain, the local mountain serves as a benchmark: if you can’t see the top of Mount Sophie, no one will be landing or leaving. Without runway lights, the landing window is limited to the short winter day.

From a combination of challenging weather and limited technology, days-long stretches without flights are common. About once a year these stretches extend to a week or more. This means no mail, no fresh food and no travel. The winter of 2014 saw eighteen days without travel. This year has been sunny, but there was no service between Christmas and New Years because of high winds.

For the people of Nunatsiavut, dealing with plane-free periods is part of life, but it affects everything from food shopping to how babies are born. I spoke with Sophie Tremblay-Morissette, who has lived in Nain since 2014. Every summer Tremblay-Morissette takes three days to travel south and buy provisions for the winter. This involves stuffing a truck with non-perishable food, driving to the end of the road system and putting it on the summer ferry, a trip that can cost thousands of dollars.
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Chris Sorensen of MacLean's notes how the collapse in oïl prices has hit Newfoundland very hard indeed.

There was a fierce debate during the 2015 federal election campaign over whether Prime Minister Stephen Harper had actually delivered a “surprise” $1.9-billion surplus last year, or had in fact rang up a similar-sized deficit. But, as is so often the case, it was all smoke, no fire. Wrapping up the fiscal year a few billion on either side of the ledger is a rounding error in a $2-trillion economy.

By contrast, Newfoundland and Labrador is suffering from the opposite problem. The province’s finances are in shambles—the deficit has ballooned to $1.96 billion thanks to plunging oil and gas revenues, according to a recent fiscal update—and yet politicians managed to stump their way through a provincial election in November without addressing the issue head-on. And make no mistake: at seven per cent of GDP, the province’s red ink isn’t something that can be fudged away. It’s on par with Greece’s average deficit-to-GDP ratio over the past two decades. And, as some have joked on Twitter, we all know how that turned out.

The turn of events is shocking considering it was only a few years ago that Newfoundland’s oil-fueled economy was hailed as one of the country’s fastest-growing. But it is hardly a surprise. Last spring, the previous Progressive Conservative government forecasted a $1.1-billion budget shortfall based on an average oil price of US$62 a barrel. With oil now at US$36, it wasn’t difficult to do the math. And yet Liberal Premier Dwight Ball won in a landslide after his party promised more deficit spending, in part because of a plan to scrap the previous government’s two per cent sales tax increase.
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CBC News' Terry Roberts suggests that the slowdown in the Canadian oil economy has had less of an impact in Newfoundland than in Alberta, mainly because the offshore oil of Newfoundland is less labour-intensive than Alberta's land-based extraction.

Newfoundland and Labrador's oil industry is cutting costs and deferring some capital spending, but has avoided Alberta-style cuts that have resulted in thousands of job losses.

A recent report estimated some 35,000 Alberta oilsands jobs have disappeared in the last year. That's from a directed workforce estimated at nearly 150,000 in 2014.

The axe has not come down quite so hard on oil jobs in this province, where an estimated 10,000 people work directly in the industry.

"We're talking in the 100 range as opposed to tens of thousands of [job losses] in Western Canada," said Paul Barnes of the Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers.
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The Globe and Mail carried a Canadian Press report describing how falling ore prices have led to catastrophe in Labrador.

The Iron Ore Co. of Canada is laying off 150 workers indefinitely from its mine in Labrador City effective June 14.

It’s the latest blow in Labrador West, a region hit by closures last year at Wabush Mines and the nearby Bloom Lake mine in Quebec.

About 2,000 people work at the IOC mine in Labrador City.

The company says the price of iron ore hit a low this week of $47.50 per tonne and it must cut costs to make production in Labrador viable.

About 1,200 members of the local United Steelworkers union in February voted against IOC’s request that they give up a 4-per-cent wage increase.

The union said the company is making big profits despite slumping prices and could save cash by cutting contract workers.
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I've a post up at Demography Matters noting how Newfoundland and Labrador, thanks perhaps to a relatively much stronger economy, has actually experienced net population growth, but a centralization of the population around St. John's has continued.
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CBC recently featured an interesting article about a New York City restaurant, King Bee Restaurant in the East Village, that was heavily inspired by Newfoundland and Acadian cuisine. Scrunchions, fried pork fat served as a side to fish and brewis, apparently feature prominently.

The King Bee, a restaurant on New York City's East Village, has a unique connection to Newfoundland and Labrador.

The restaurant's dishes are largely inspired by Acadian culinary history. The menu connects the lineage of Louisiana cooking to its predecessors in the Maritimes and France.

​Ken Jackson, one of the restaurant owners, spoke recently about his connection to this province with On the Go.

[. . .]

"My partner, Eben Klemm and I have been working on this for a few years, and we brought in our chef Jeremie [Tomczak], so to get him up to speed, we took a couple of trips, one to Louisiana, and one to Montreal," said Jackson.

​"And in planning for the Montreal trip, I have a chef friend here, Riad Nasr, who's from Montreal ... and he said if you're in that direction, you should make a point of going to St. John's, because there's really cool stuff happening there," he said.​

​[. . .]

While in the province, Jackson said he was influenced with several kinds of food he sampled, including partridgeberries, which he said made an impression.

"Part of Jeremie's background was in Swedish cooking. He worked at Aquavit for a number of years, so he was really familiar in using lingonberries in different ways. But then when we were in Newfoundland — we found just the perfect example of berries, and really gravitated toward the name. It was a pretty name and the ones we had there were just perfect."
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Bloomberg's Chikako Mogi describes how Japan's Oki Islands managed to reverse a trend of depopulation and economic decline.

This is interesting news, but I don't think this will be replicable more widely across Japan. Why?

1. In Japan more so than in almost every other developed countries, native populations are declining with very few people coming from outside. The number of potential migrants is a shrinking resource.

2. Back in 2010, I noted that while Newfoundland's Fogo Island had managed a revival based on niche tourism, this is an option open to only a relatively few places. Newfoundland's islands and outports couldn't all become niche tourist destinations. The same kind of thing holds for Japan's islands and outlying areas.

The remote outposts that were used for centuries by medieval rulers to banish rivals have become a model for regional revival as Ama, on one of the four islets, attracts economic migrants from the mainland.

Through steps including expanding seafood exports, debt reduction and a revamp of the high school to provide a platform for entry to top colleges, the town found a recipe for countering the plight of demographic decline. With about 900 Japanese local districts at risk of becoming ghost towns in a generation, Ama’s success off the west coast has caught attention from the Abe administration -- and Australian educators.

“Ama got serious because it was in real difficulty,” said Hideaki Tanaka, who teaches governance at Meiji University in Tokyo. “Many places that rely on government support feel comfortable with the status quo but resources are limited and it’s unsustainable.”

Mayor Michio Yamauchi saw the writing on the wall in 2004. With 10.15 billion yen ($100 million) in debt to the national government and less than 5 percent of the money needed to pay that back, Ama was on the road to bankruptcy.

The town’s population had shrunk by two-thirds over the post-war period to fewer than 2,400 people. Two of every five residents were elderly. Even so, Ama still poured money into public works, increasing its debt burden without creating jobs.

“I decided to slash spending and remove waste, even if it meant reducing public amenities,” Yamauchi, 76, said by telephone from his office. “I cut my own salary to convince everyone of my resolve.”

While avoiding fiscal disaster was vital, that’s not the only lesson Ama holds, said Akiyoshi Takumori, chief economist at Sumitomo Mitsui Asset Management Co. in Tokyo.

Just as importantly, the town focused the economy on local specialties, expanded its sales and marketing networks, and attracted young people, according to Takumori.

Ama accomplished much of this with a public-private seafood company, which drew migrants like Toru Fujii, 44, and his wife Yuko, 46.

The pair relocated with two children in 2005 after Fujii tired of his administrative job in Nagano in central Japan and answered an advertisement to help set up the venture, called Furusato Ama.
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The horrifying story of the murder of Inuk student Loretta Saunders, here reported by CBC, has been widely carried on the Facebook pages of my Atlantic Canadian friends. The effect of horror is doubled for me: not only is it a brutal murder of a young woman in Atlantic Canada, but it does highlight a worrisome trend that the Robert Pickton affair in British Columbia highlighted.

What is going on? What are the factors that exacerbate risk so terribly for First Nations women in Canada? An inquiry might not be the best sort of forum to raise this issue, but it is a forum, at least.

The slaying of Loretta Saunders should trigger a national inquiry into the hundreds of murdered and missing aboriginal women in Canada, the president of the Nova Scotia Native Women’s Association says.

Cheryl Maloney spoke hours after police found the body of Saunders off a New Brunswick highway. Police are treating her death as a homicide.

"I'm never going to let Stephen Harper or Canadians forget about Loretta and all the other missing or murdered aboriginal people," Maloney said.

"There’s something wrong in Canada if aboriginal people have to live this fate."

Saunders, an Inuk woman from Newfoundland and Labrador, was doing her master’s thesis at Halifax's Saint Mary’s University on missing and murdered aboriginal women.

Maloney said aboriginal Canadian women are five times more likely to be violently attacked than non-aboriginal women.

Aboriginal men also face higher risks of violence than non-aboriginal men, she said.

A researcher has found 800 cases of missing or murdered Canadian aboriginal women.

Maloney said the “bright, smart” student didn’t fit stereotypes.

"She wasn't what society expected for a missing aboriginal girl. Canadian society, and especially our prime minister, has been able to ignore the reality of the statistics that are against aboriginal girls,” Maloney said.

"This is not what everyone expects, but she is at risk. Every aboriginal girl in this country is vulnerable. For Canada to be ignoring it for so long, it's disheartening. How many more families does this have to happen to before they take seriously the problem?”
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Ben Dummett's brief Wall Street Journal noting that the province of Newfoundland and Labrador is experiencing greater economic growth than Alberta is ironic, not least because the Atlantic Canadian province is still a noteworthy source of migrants for Alberta. The extents to which economic growth in Newfoundland and Labrador does translate into jobs, and to which economic growth might be concentrated in some regions but not others, is worth taking a look at.

Newfoundland is historically one of Canada’s poorest provinces. But its economy is expected to surpass that of Alberta this year as the fastest growing among Canada’s provinces, fueled by rising oil production and private-sector investment, according to a new report by the Conference Board of Canada.

Newfoundland is expected to grow its economy by 6% this year, with oil production anticipated to jump by 12.5% and private-sector investment continuing “to climb to all-time highs,” the Conference Board report said. And the province is forecast to lead the way again in 2014, generating gross domestic product growth of 3.4%, the report says.

Energy-rich Alberta produced a province-leading economic growth rate last year of 3.9%, but GDP growth there is expected to slow this year — to a still-not-too-shabby 3.1% — as uncertainty looms over approval of the Keystone pipeline and other energy infrastructure projects. New pipeline construction is expected to allow the province’s energy producers to better access U.S. and global markets, helping to lift Western Canadian oil prices more in line with U.S. crude prices.

“If no progress is made within the next 12 months (on new pipeline approvals), resource investments could be severely curtailed and the (Alberta) economy would take a hit,” the Conference Board said.

For Newfoundland, construction of the large-scale Hebron gravity-based structure for development of the offshore Hebron oil field and the massive Muskrat Falls hydroelectric power plant in Labrador are two projects central to that province’s “robust” growth outlook, the report says.
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Cod fisheries seem to have been much too abundant, too apparently all-enduring for their own good. Newfoundland's cod fisheries famously collapsed by the early 1990's. Now it's the term of New England's cod fisheries to collapse. The reporting of the Voice of America is typical.

After nearly four decades of fishing, this season might be David Goethel's last.

The New England Fisheries Management Council has cut the amount of cod fishermen like Goethel can catch in the Gulf of Maine by 77 percent.

“For us, it basically means we’re all done," Goethel says.

Under the new limits, he says he'd reach his quota of cod in just a few days of fishing. And other fish are effectively off limits, or out of reach, for his kind of boat and equipment.

While today’s catch, and the number of fishermen chasing it, are a fraction of what they were a half-century ago, the council’s decision is devastating for those like Goethel who have hung on.

“I’m 59 years old. This is all I’ve ever done," he says. "How you’re going to pay for things? I have no idea. Basically, if we don’t work, we don’t eat. Pretty simple.”


Overfishing, to be fair, isn't the only cause of this collapse. Climate change--specifically, the warming of the waters off New England--also played a role, as an editorial in the New Hampshire Union-Leader pointed out.

In 2005, Institute of Marine Research scientist Kenneth Drinkwater wrote in the ICES Journal of Marine Science that a temperature increase of 4 degrees celsius would lead to collapse of the cod fishery off Georges Bank and sharp decline in the Gulf of Maine as the cod migrated north. "It is quite clear that, with future warming, there will be a northward migration of cod," he wrote.

In the past year, the temperature in the Gulf of Maine reached record highs. "At some point, (the gulf) is going to be inhospitable to cod. We're getting close to that now," said Jeffrey Runge, biological oceanographer at the University of Maine. In the past four years, the surface temperature in the gulf has risen between 2 and 3.5 degrees fahrenheit a year, more than enough to cause the near-collapse due to migration that Drinkwater predicted in 2005.

The government acts as though the only issue is overfishing. So it does what it always has done: it cuts the quotas.


(How continuing to fish a population that's diminishing makes sense in any context is beyond me, mind.)

In a post at Lawyers, Guns and Money entitled "The End of Cod", after describing a visit to a Cape Cod where a Wendy's advertised a fish sandwich made with North Pacific cod, Erik Loomis called for a government strategy to retrain these displaced workers and others facing similar challenges.

There actually are two things we can do. Neither will bring the fish back, but that’s a done deal. First, as the first linked article suggested, we can develop alternative economies for these fishing ports around wind energy. That’s very different work than fishing, but it’s something. Some of these cities–New Bedford for instance–have developed reasonable tourist industries and have attracted some young people to live there and build some kind of alternative economies. Many–Fall River for instance, a mere 15 miles from New Bedford–have not. This is the best and most obvious way to create at least some jobs based upon harvesting natural resources, albeit in a very different way.

The second thing we can do is to take some kind of national responsibility for workers who lose their jobs because of resource depletion. There’s actually significant precedent for this in the Pacific Northwest. The Clinton Forest Plan that provided some finality to the old growth/spotted owl logging wars in the 1980s and early 1990s provided retraining programs for loggers and mill workers who lost their jobs due to the industry’s disappearance. My own father took advantage of this program, although he later found work in another mill.

Even more interesting is the case of the Redwood Employee Protection Program. The first real battle in the Northwest over the forests, really the precursor to the spotted owl, was the successful campaign to expand Redwood National Park. When the bill was signed by President Carter in 1978, it included REPP, a program that provided significant payments to workers displaced by the mills that had to close down. They received direct payments from the federal government until 1984 to build a bridge until they could find other work. The generosity of this was controversial–Carter himself was quite skeptical. And in many ways it didn’t work that well. There were battles over who should qualify–were the mills shutting down because of a lack of timber or because of globalization and mechanization? Moreover, there were some disappearing funds and management issues. We don’t need to get into these details now. What’s notable though is that at least one time the federal government decided to expand the welfare state, however tentatively, to workers put out of work in order to save rare resources.


Certainly it would be easier to do this in a densely-populated and prosperous New England than in marginal Newfoundland.
rfmcdonald: (Default)
British Columbia's demand for a greater share of the financial and other benefits of the proposed Northern Gateway pipeline connecting the tar sands of Alberta to the ports of the Pacific Ocean via British Columbia's landmass remind me of nothing so much as the repeatedly challenged deal between Québec and Newfoundland struck in the late 1960s which let Newfoundland export its abundant hydroelectric production from Churchill Falls across Québec's territory at rates which strongly favoured Québec (sold at low prices to Québec, which then resold them to other markets at higher prices). I'm certain that the prospect that Alberta wouldn't fully benefit from the financial proceeds of the tar sands is something that lies in the backs of Albertans' minds. For British Columbians, demanding a cut might be the best way to discourage the creation of such a controversial pipeline.

The B.C. government has outlined five demands before it will support the Enbridge pipeline, including more financial and environmental support. But opposition leader Adrian Dix says B.C.'s residents are being let down.

“Absolutely not,” Premier Alison Redford told The Globe and Mail, saying jurisdiction over resources, and resource revenue, is “fundamental to Alberta.” Tinkering with it would amount to nothing less than an overhaul of Confederation, Ms. Redford argued, saying B.C. already benefits by the billions the province sends to Ottawa each year.

“To actually introduce the idea that we would renegotiate Confederation is quite troubling to me. At the end of the day it is true that we have resources in this province and we collect revenue from those, but those revenues are shared across the country,” Ms. Redford told The Globe.

The battle comes as premiers, including B.C.’s Christy Clark and Ms. Redford, gather in Halifax for talks this week. Ms. Redford will continue to push for a Canadian energy strategy, which would be meant to streamline major energy projects such as Northern Gateway.

The demand for a “fair share” of cash – a figure B.C. hasn’t finalized – was one of five conditions that B.C. laid out Monday as stipulations of its support for the project, which would see Alberta oil sent to Kitimat, B.C., and loaded onto tankers bound for Asia.

The other conditions include that the North Gateway project pass an environmental assessment by the National Energy Board joint review panel, which is already underway; have “world-leading” plans to respond to both marine and oil spills; and address first nations concerns and treaty rights.

Companies must go “beyond their minimum legal obligations to first nations,” said Mary Polak, B.C.’s aboriginal relations minister. Enbridge argues it’s already doing that, with 60 per cent of first nations groups signed on to support the deal.

Ms. Clark has long been expressing reservations about the project, but Monday’s announcement formalized her views, shifting from her previous assertion that she would avoid taking a stand before the NEB review was complete.

[. . .]

The B.C.-Alberta conflict could linger for years. Ms. Clark is facing a tough bid for re-election next May. The opposition B.C. New Democrats, far ahead of Ms. Clark’s Liberals in current polls, are firmly opposed to Gateway in any form. “We remain serene and determined to reject this pipeline, which isn’t in British Columbia’s interest,” NDP Leader Adrian Dix said Monday.
rfmcdonald: (Default)
Is the seal hunt in Atlantic Canada nearing an end? I've followed the evolution of the hunt here at A Bit More Detail for years, and the trajectory has--thankfully--been ever downward. Last year's hunt was the worst season ever thanks to collapsing demand following European Union import bans, and the search for alternative markets--China, Russia, anywhere--has been to no avail.

In Nova Scotia, the Cape Breton Post was skeptical of the prospects for a local hunt this year. The situation of the seal hunt is almost as dire in Newfoundland and Labrador, where the provincial government has begun talking about stockpiling seal pelts or directly subsidizing seal hunters to keep it all afloat. One MP has even speculated that it may in the province's best interests, economic and otherwise, to desist. He's gotten a lot of hostile reaction, to be sure, from the usual suspects.

St. John's South-Mount Pearl MP Ryan Cleary is facing criticism over comments he made this week questioning the future of the seal hunt.

In an interview with CBC's Fisheries Broadcast, Cleary spoke about the viability of the hunt.

"We know that the world appetite is not there for seal meat, but the world appetite for seal products — I don't know if it's there," Cleary said. "And you know what? I may be shot for talking about this, and for saying this, but it's a question we all have to ask."

A troika of federal Conservative cabinet ministers issued a joint statement Tuesday clubbing the rookie NDP MP for his remarks.

"For someone who ran supposedly to represent the interests of the people of Newfoundland and Labrador, MP Ryan Cleary's comments seem to show that he's giving up on supporting local sealers," said the statement by Fisheries Minister Keith Ashfield, Intergovernmental Affairs Minister Peter Penashue, and Health Minister Leona Aglukkaq, who represents Nunavut.

"Unlike the whaling industry, there is no conservation reason to end the hunt. Though the industry continues to battle misinformation put forth by animal rights activists who try to close market access, our government sees no commercial reason to end the hunt."

[. . .]

Dion Dakins of NuTan Furs in Catalina says the industry is already waging an external battle, and doesn't need to be sidetracked by internal doubt.

"I certainly don't think that it's the most helpful in this debate to have that question posed by someone who's supposedly the 'Fighting Newfoundlander.' That doesn't sound much like the fighting Newfoundlander that certainly we think we need in this battle. We're in a 40-year war on this seal issue."

The seal hunt was worth about $1 million last year. Dakins says he'd like to hear Cleary voice stronger support for the seal fishery, rather than talk reflectively about it.


By way of comparison, the GDP of Newfoundland and Labrador last year was roughly 28 200 million dollars. Seal hunting just isn't that economically renumerative, and many have pointed out that it also imposes significant economic costs on Newfoundland and Labrador, the cost of mobilizing coast guards in the case of emergencies, say, or the cost of tourist campaigns directed towards markets where Newfoundland's very name is associated with a bloody hunt.

One prominent sealer has blamed the federal government for not doing more to change things.

The executive director of the Canadian Sealers Association (CSA) says the end of the seal hunt would be an economic disaster for rural Newfoundland.

He was reacting to comments made by St. John’s MP Ryan Cleary, who told CBC News it’s time to decide if the provincial seal hunt should end.

“We know that the world appetite is not there for seal meat, but the world appetite for seal products, I don’t know if it’s there,” said Cleary. “And you know what? I may be shot for talking about this, and for saying this, but it’s a question we all have to ask.”

Cleary said the province receives a lot of negative publicity for the seal hunt, and the $1 million in annual revenue it generates might not be worth it.

But Pinhorn — saying the New Democrat MP for St. John’s South-Mount Pearl “doesn’t have a clue what he’s talking about” — said the reason the hunt is worth just $1 million a year is because the federal government isn’t doing enough to promote the industry or fight product bans in European markets.

“The CSA has al­ways maintained that the federal government’s attitude and efforts on sealing is extremely weak, and that’s why it’s only worth a million dollars,” he said. “The prices are low, and the Americans ran over the federal government in ’72 (when they brought in the Marine Mammal Protection Act), for no apparent reason. Then the Europeans walked all over Canada three years ago when they were over there dealing with the free trade agreement and they put seals on the back burner. And then they banned the importation of seals in Europe, and now the Russian federation is doing the same thing, so everybody internationally is walking over the federal government, and that is why there’s no market for seals.”


The sustained failure of the Canadian government to overturn American, European, and now Russian government policies on seal products is diagnostic. The past decades have not seen a weakening of environmentalism, or declining interest in animal rights, quite the contrary.

Unless China, say, becomes a major market for seal products, resisting trends in other potential world markets, the seal hunt won't be economically viable. It will always dependent on extensive subsidies in a time of government austerity.

None of this lend itself to hopefulness for the seal hunt.

In any case, the very material basis for the seal hunt is falling apart inside Newfoundland. Rural Newfoundland, the Newfoundland of scattered small outports dependent on fishing and sealing that Pinhorn represents, is dying, its economic underpinnings wrecked by the collapse of the cod fisheries and its population fleeing, the working-age young leaving for more renumerative jobs elsewhere in Newfoundland or Canada generally. It may not be a coincidence that Cleary, the MP who talked about ending the seal hunt, represents the riding of St. John's South-Mount Pearl that is one of the province's urban ridings, including the southern half of the provincial capital of St. John's and the province's second-largest city of Mount Pearl. Cleary's opinions may be unpopular now, but a glance at article comments suggests that they have an audience. As Newfoundland continues to urbanize and move away from its traditional industries, this audience is only going to grow.

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