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Right now, the question of gay-straight alliances in the publicly-funded Ontario Roman Catholic school system has become a major political issue.

Gay-straight alliances originate in the United States, as student organizations in high schools which provide safe spaces for non-heterosexuals and their straight allies. Gay-straight alliances have spread beyond the United States, as people have begun coming out at younger and younger ages around the world, Canada being one place where they've flourished. In the past couple of years, students at many of Ontario's Roman Catholic schools, which receive public funding ultimately as a consequence of provisions in the early Canadian constitution allowing certain religiously-mixed provinces to subsidize schools belonging to denominational minorities, have wanted to form gay-straight alliances in their own schools. The Roman Catholic Church that runs the Ontario schools dissents on theological grounds, with prominent people like Archbishop of Toronto Thomas Collins denouncing legislation allowing for gay-straight alliances as oppressive; the Ontario provincial government, citing equity legislation and the school system's receipt of public money, and drawing upon broad public support for gay rights, has introduced language into anti-bullying legislation that would prevent any schools receiving public money from banning gay-straight alliances by name or from lumping in organizations concerned with the experiences of gay students with anti-bullying and peer support groups generally.

There is also strong support for gay-straight alliances from students in both public and Catholic schools in Ontario.

In a 2011 survey of over 7,000 students for the Ontario Student Trustees' Association, 88 per cent agreed,"that a student wanting to establish a Gay Straight Alliance club in their school should be allowed to do so."

What's more, surveys in both Canada and the U.S. found bullying of sexual minority students is less common in schools that have an anti-homophobia policy and/or have a gay-straight alliance.

In a May 28 interview with CBC Radio's Matt Galloway, Ontario Education Minister Laurel Broten defended her new amendments.

"To many of our students, we know that the term gay-straight alliance has great meaning and that words matter and that if you can't name something, you can't address it," she said.

Philip Squire, chair of the London District Catholic School Board, told CBC Radio's Wei Chen that "no student has come forward and said they want a gay-straight alliance."

The legislation actually accounts for that: If no student requests such a group, a school would not be required to establish a GSA.


I made a couple of posts back in 2011 about this but didn't imagine this.

Is this fair. Let's turn first to what the Catechism of the Roman Catholic Church teaches about homosexuality.

The number of men and women who have deep-seated homosexual tendencies is not negligible. This inclination, which is objectively disordered, constitutes for most of them a trial. They must be accepted with respect, compassion, and sensitivity. Every sign of unjust discrimination in their regard should be avoided. These persons are called to fulfill God's will in their lives and, if they are Christians, to unite to the sacrifice of the Lord's Cross the difficulties they may encounter from their condition


What is "unjust" discrimination?

The 1986 "Letter to the Bishops of the Catholic Church on the Pastoral Care of Homosexual Persons", authored by Joseph Ratzinger in his position as Prefect of the Congregation of the Doctrine of the Faith, goes into more detail. The document is very hostile towards gay rights. Item 9, for instance, identifies homosexuality as a threat to public safety, indelibly marking the document as product of the great HIV/AIDS crisis.

There is an effort in some countries to manipulate the Church by gaining the often well-intentioned support of her pastors with a view to changing civil-statutes and laws. This is done in order to conform to these pressure groups' concept that homosexuality is at least a completely harmless, if not an entirely good, thing. Even when the practice of homosexuality may seriously threaten the lives and well-being of a large number of people, its advocates remain undeterred and refuse to consider the magnitude of the risks involved.


Item 10 even seems to explain away gaybashing as a predictable, if not quite defensible, consequence of the destabilization of traditional sexual moralty..

It is deplorable that homosexual persons have been and are the object of violent malice in speech or in action. Such treatment deserves condemnation from the Church's pastors wherever it occurs. It reveals a kind of disregard for others which endangers the most fundamental principles of a healthy society. The intrinsic dignity of each person must always be respected in word, in action and in law.

But the proper reaction to crimes committed against homosexual persons should not be to claim that the homosexual condition is not disordered. When such a claim is made and when homosexual activity is consequently condoned, or when civil legislation is introduced to protect behavior to which no one has any conceivable right, neither the Church nor society at large should be surprised when other distorted notions and practices gain ground, and irrational and violent reactions increase.


More, the 1992 "Some Considerations Concerning the Response to Legislative Proposals on the Non-Discrimination on Homosexual Persons", a letter put out by the Congregation (still under Ratzinger), specifies ways in which the 1986 Letter should be interpreted. The 1992 note favours what would probably be termed "just" discrimination against non-heterosexuals, arguing that discrimination in employment (specific careers such as that of teacher or soldier) would be justifiable, as would be discrimination against gays in adoption and foster care, as would be active opposition to any legislation that might grant same-sex couples any recognition or rights, all in the defense of the traiditional family. Sexual orientation, indeed, is not a legitimate characteristic meriting protection: if people are quiet about their sexual orientation they've no grounds to fear discrimination.

The "sexual orientation" of a person is not comparable to race, sex, age, etc. also for another reason than that given above which warrants attention. An individual's sexual orientation is generally not known to others unless he publicly identifies himself as having this orientation or unless some overt behavior manifests it. As a rule, the majority of homosexually oriented persons who seek to lead chaste lives do not publicize their sexual orientation. Hence the problem of discrimination in terms of employment, housing, etc., does not usually arise.


As the extensive Religious Tolerance site notes, this formulation seems to justify discrimination against people who are out, or people who are found out despite themselves.

One common theme in the language used by the leaders of the Roman Catholic Church in Ontario regarding gay-straight alliances and anti-gay bullying is that this type of bullying doesn't need any particular attention, or that highlighting this form of bullying must necessarily--somehow--lead to neglect of other forms of bullying. I don't buy the thesis that attention paid to bullying is necessarily a zero-sum thing. More importantly, I don't buy the thesis that the Roman Catholic Church has the best intentions towards the non-heterosexual children who find themselves in the schools that the Church runs, that by its enunciated doctrine the church sanctions discrimination and bullying against non-heterosexuals. It positively needs to be supervised to ensure that it doesn't do terrible things to the children in its charge.
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Those of you who've read me may know that I tend to be exasperated by ethnic myths. This, you'll not be surprised to know, is particularly true where the ethnicity concerned is one that I could conceivably lay claim to (#ohmybelovedhomeland). Thanks why I'm thankful that Facebook's Tom linked to Richard Jensen's 2002 paper from the Journal of Social History which takes apart the myth that "No Irish Need Apply" signs in the United States were regularly used to keep young Irish and Irish-American men from finding work. What signs, Jensen asks?

The fact that Irish vividly "remember" NINA signs is a curious historical puzzle. There are no contemporary or retrospective accounts of a specific sign at a specific location. No particular business enterprise is named as a culprit. No historian, archivist, or museum curator has ever located one; no photograph or drawing exists. No other ethnic group complained about being singled out by comparable signs. Only Irish Catholics have reported seeing the sign in America—no Protestant, no Jew, no non-Irish Catholic has reported seeing one. This is especially strange since signs were primarily directed toward these others: the signs said that employment was available here and invited Yankees, French-Canadians, Italians and any other non-Irish to come inside and apply. The business literature, both published and unpublished, never mentions NINA or any policy remotely like it. The newspapers and magazines are silent. The courts are silent. There is no record of an angry youth tossing a brick through the window that held such a sign. Have we not discovered all of the signs of an urban legend?

The NINA slogan seems to have originated in England, probably after the 1798 Irish rebellion. Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries it was used by English to indicate their distrust of the Irish, both Catholic and Protestant. For example the Anglican bishop of London used the phrase to say he did not want any Irish Anglican ministers in his diocese. By the 1820s it was a cliché in upper and upper middle class London that some fussy housewives refused to hire Irish and had even posted NINA signs in their windows. It is possible that handwritten NINA signs regarding maids did appear in a few American windows, though no one ever reported one. We DO have actual newspaper want ads for women workers that specifies Irish are not wanted; they will be discussed below. In the entire file of the New York Times from 1851 to 1923, there are two NINA ads for men, one of which is for a teenager. Computer searches of classified help wanted ads in the daily editions of other online newspapers before 1923 such as the Booklyn Eagle, the Washington Post and the Chicago Tribune show that NINA ads for men were extremely rare--fewer than two per decade. The complete absence of evidence suggests that probably zero such signs were seen at commercial establishments, shops, factories, stores, hotels, railroads, union halls, hiring halls, personnel offices, labor recruiters etc. anywhere in America, at any time. NINA signs and newspaper ads for apartments to let did exist in England and Northern Ireland, but historians have not discovered reports of any in the United States, Canada or Australia. The myth focuses on public NINA signs which deliberately marginalized and humiliated Irish male job applicants. The overwhelming evidence is that such signs never existed.

Irish Americans all have heard about them—and remember elderly relatives insisting they existed. The myth had "legs": people still believe it, even scholars. The late Tip O'Neill remembered the signs from his youth in Boston in 1920s; Senator Ted Kennedy reported the most recent sighting, telling the Senate during a civil rights debate that he saw them when growing up. Historically, physical NINA signs could have flourished only in intensely anti-Catholic or anti-Irish eras, especially the 1830—1870 period. Thus reports of sightings in the 1920s or 1930s suggest the myth had become so deeply rooted in Irish-American folk mythology that it was impervious to evidence. Perhaps the Irish had constructed an Evil Other out of stereotypes of outsiders—a demon that could frighten children like the young Ted Kennedy and adults as well. The challenge for the historian is to explain the origins and especially the durability of the myth. Did the demon exist outside the Irish imagination—and if not how did it get there? [T]he myth originated and will explore its long-lasting value to the Irish community as a protective device. It was an enhancement of political solidarity against a hostile Other; and a way to insulate a preindustrial non-individualistic group-oriented work culture from the individualism rampant in American culture.


I like this summary of the paper's import:
In History and Memory, Geoffery Cubitt talks of “distorted memories,” memories that assimilate memory detail from one experience into the context of another, often imbued with additional meaning.[2] Such is the case with NINA signs. As Jensen notes, Irish-America harbors deep beliefs in their victimization in the United States, including job discrimination, stemming from the trials of the Irish Potato Famine. In the United States, the Irish needed to foster a new ethnic community and identity, one that did not place the villains of their story as the distant and overseas British. That villain became Americans holding access to jobs. The NINA sign embodies that transference, a distorted memory with deep symbolic meaning that overshadows the historical record.


Anti-Irish racism certainly did exist--I blogged this Sunday just past about how some Victorians believed in the "negrescence" of the Irish and other Celts--but it's also important to actually use, you know, facts when you're talking about history. Unless you're not talking about objective reality, but that's a separate matter.

And if you're curious, Irish Canadians seem to have undergone similar experiences of alienation, particularly in the urban areas where they settled following the island's social and economic breakdown, where they became one of the first distinctive, feared, urban underclasses.

Canadian cities and larger towns quickly developed Irish sections or wards. The Anglo-Protestant majority measured the Irish contribution economically and the Irish deficiencies socially, religiously and racially. On the one hand, many of the Irish created a labour force ready and able to fill the seasonal employment demands of a newly expanded canal system, lumber industry and burgeoning railway network; on the other hand, because of their low income, their Catholicism, the seasonal separation from their families and differences in their way of life, they were a conspicuous minority group. They filled working-class neighbourhoods and inflated majority fears of social evils previously dismissed as peculiar to the US.

For some years the Irish supplied the base of a working-class labour force necessary for the slow advance of communication, commerce and industry, but they remained an adjunct to, rather than a central component of, mainstream North American economic and social life - the basis of which was commerce and agricultural activity. Policy tied population increase to land settlement. Gradual commercial and industrial development usually serviced the agricultural sector, and, because many Irish were not farmers, Irish labourers were seen as rootless.


Toronto's neighbourhood of Cabbagetown, named after the vegetable the Irish-Canadians labourers grew in their yards to supplement their diets, was one of these districts.
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  • 80 Beats' Andrew Mosemen reports that Japan's unlucky Hayabusa asteorid probe is on track to return to Earth with its sample container, even though the probe might not have succeeded in taking a sample after all.

  • Acts of Minor Treason's Andrew Barton writes about how the future may well give birth to new kinds of discrimination, suggesting that people who try to technologically augment their bodies might be the next major sufferers.

  • Crooked Timber's Ingrid Robeyns tells her readers that a leading Belgian bishop has resigned after admitting that he sexually abused a family member for at least a decade.

  • Daniel Drezner wonders where all the anti-globalization protesters have gone.

  • Extraordinary Observations' Rob Pitingolo takes a look at some of New York City's best coffee shops.

  • Joel at Far Outliers quotes at length a writer on how madrassahs often provide much better education than state schools.

  • Geocurrents examines how unexpectedly heavy rain in Australia has led to a temporary revival of Australia's landlocked Lake Eyre.

  • Personal Observations' Jim Belshaw observes that regional disparities within particular jurisdictions--nation-states, states, provinces--can produce serious internal conflicts.

  • Slap Upside the Head observes the hysterical, and homophobic, opposition to a recently withdrawn plan for sex education in Ontario.

  • Surprise! Towleroad notes a recent study observing that queers are substantially more likely to suffer violence than their straight counterparts.

  • Alex Harrowell at the Yorkshire Ranter examines how a French project to implement personal rapid transit failed thanks to internal culture clashes and a failure to consult outsiders.

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This article was in the Sunday Star.

Joseph (Yossi) Fackenheim just wants to be an actor. A Shakespearean actor. Instead, the Toronto native is at the centre of a controversy over what it means to be Jewish, and he's reluctantly taking up his famous father's fight.

That's because an Israeli rabbinic court has ruled that, despite being raised Orthodox and having had a bar mitzvah, Fackenheim is not actually Jewish.

[. . .]

Because Joseph's mother was Christian at the time of his birth, he was converted to Judaism as a toddler in Toronto so he could be raised Jewish.

After the elder Fackenheim retired in 1984, the family moved to Israel.

But when Joseph was getting a divorce in Israel last summer, Orthodox Rabbi Yissachar Dov Hagar ruled that he was not Jewish.

In Israel, Orthodox rabbis have control of matters of faith and can rule that if a person is not observant enough after his or her conversion, the conversion was never sincere and is therefore invalid.

Hagar had questioned Fackenheim at length about how often he goes to synagogue, how well he keeps kosher and how he observes Shabbat, the Jewish day of rest, with restrictions on food and activity.

Unsatisfied with the young man's answers, Hagar issued a retroactive ruling that Fackenheim was not Jewish and never had been.

"My parents converted me into Orthodox Judaism specifically so that I would not have these problems later on," Fackenheim says.

His case has since gained international attention, vaulting one of Judaism's biggest names into a growing controversy in Israel over what it means to be Jewish and placing Joseph with some 40,000 other disputed conversions.

"I have friends, converts in Israel, who live in fear," Fackenheim says. "It's the end of them."

Hagar refused to grant the younger Fackenheim's divorce, reasoning that because his marriage to a Jewish woman was never valid, no divorce was needed. That left Fackenheim and his ex-wife, Iris, in legal limbo: divorced civilly, but not divorced in the eyes of the faith.

The rabbi eventually relented, somewhat, by adding an attachment to the civil divorce papers referring to Fackenheim as "Yossi the convert" and stating the marriage was void.

While that allowed Fackenheim's ex-wife to get on with her life, it left him as officially a non-Jew unable to remarry within the faith. He is appealing the decision to the Israeli Supreme Court, and filed a letter of complaint to the court ombudsman.

"I don't need them to tell me I'm Jewish," he says. "I am Jewish."


1. One of the things that became clear as a result of the debate on same-sex marriage, in Canada as in other countries, is that state recognition of relationships speaks volumes about the society's acceptance of such relationships.

2. It's worth noting that Israel, a state founded by people fleeing vicious ethnic discrimination, has gone on to create a marriage regime including what amounts to anti-miscegenation marriage laws, with tinges of blood-purity principles besides.

3. Therefore, this regime seems to be fairly popular, additionally evidenced by the fact that it has survived intact since independence. Israel's certainly not alone in supporting bigoted marriage laws--South Africa did until recently, and the rest of the Middle East shares in this prejudice--but still, one would hope for better from a country that positions itself as a Western marcher state.
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The 1995 edition of Jean-Paul Sartre's Anti-Semite and Jew has a lot of interesting nuggets. Take this one, for instance.

What [the anti-Semite] contemplates without intermission, that for which he has an intuition and almost a taste, is Evil. He can thus glut himself to the point of obsession with the recital of obscene or criminal actions which excite and satisfy his perverse leanings; but since at the same time he attributed them to those infamous Jews on whom he heaps his scorn, he satisfies himself without being compromised. In Berlin, I knew a Protestant in whom sexual desire took the form of indignation. The sight of women in bathing suits aroused him to fury; he willingly encouraged that fury, and passed his time at swimming pools. The anti-Semite is like that, and one of the elements of his hatred is a profound sexual attraction toward Jews (46).


Or, this one.

In a bourgeois society it is the constant movement of people, the collective currents, the styles, the customs, all these things, that in effect create values. The values of poems, of furniture, of houses, of landscapes derive in large part from the spontaneous condensations that fall on this objects like a light dew; they are strictly national and result from the normal functioning of a traditionalist and historical society. To be a Frenchman is not merely to have been born in France, to vote and pay taxes; it is above all to have the use and the sense of these values. And when a man shares in their creation, he is in some degree reassured about himself; he has a justification for existence through a sort of adhesion to the whole of society. To know how to appreciate a piece of Louis Seize furniture, the delicacy of a saying by Chamfort, a landscape of the Ile de France, a painting by Claude Lorraine, is to affirm and to feel that one belongs to French society; it is to renew a tacit social contract with all the members of that society. At one stroke the vague contingency of your existence vanishes and gives way to the necessity of an existence by right. Every Frenchman who is moved by reading Villon or by lo0looking at the Palace of Versailles becomes a public functionary and the subject of imprescriptible rights.

Now a Jew is a man who is refused access to these values on principle. No doubt the worker is in the same predicament, but his situation is different. He can disdainfully reject the values and the culture of the middle class; he can dream of substituting his own. The Jew, he theory, belongs to the very class of people who reject him; he shares their tastes and their way of life. He touches these values but he does not see them; they should be his and they are refused him. He is told that he is blind. Naturally that is false. Are we to believe that Bloch, Crémieux, Suarès, Schwob, Benda understand the great French masterpieces less well than a Christian grocer or a Christian policeman? Are we to believe that Max Jacob was less competency to handle our language than an "Aryan" municipal clerk? Proust, a half-Jew, did he understand Racine only halfway? As between the "Aryan" Chuquet, celebrated for his bad style, and the Jew Léon Bum, which one has understood Stendhal the better?

But it is of no importance that this is an erroneous notion; the fact is that it is a group error. The Jew must decide for himself whether it is true or false; indeed, he must prove it. And yet people will always reject the proof which he furnishes. He may go as far as he wants to understanding a work of art, a custom, a period, a style. What constitutes the truevalue of the object considered, a value accessible only to Frenchmen of the "real France," is exactly that which is beyond and which cannot be expressed in words. in vain may argue about his culture, his accomplishments: it is a Jewish culture; they are Jewish accomplishments. He is a Jew precisely in that he does not even suspect what ought to be understood. Thus an attempt is made to persuade him that the true sense of things must always escape him; there is formed around him an impalpable atmosphere, which is the genuine France, with its genuine values, its genuine tact, its genuine mortality, and he has no part in it. (80-82).
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