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  • blogTO notes that the Union-Pearson Express train line is going to be quite expensive, perhaps unworkably so.

  • Centauri Dreams looks at the imminent flyby by Pluto of the New Horizons probe.

  • Will Baird of The Dragon's Tales reacts with upset to the confirmation that the CIA engaged in torture.

  • Geocurrents' Martin Lewis looks at the controversies surrounding performances of an Indonesian popular music genre, dangdut, which features sexualized female performers.

  • Marginal Revolution talks about which economies around the world are the most undervalued. (Sri Lanka comes up.)

  • The Planetary Society Blog's Emily Lakdawalla talks about China's plans for space, including a Mars mission.

  • Spacing Toronto talks about the day in 1950 when the sun above Toronto turned blue.

  • Bruce Sterling shares a Washington Post article noting how forests have regrown across Europe in the past century.

  • Torontoist notes that the city of Toronto has sought to secure heritage status for El Mocambo.

  • Towleroad observes that the Irish Catholic Church has severed its links to a Northern Irish adoption agency for being GLBT-inclusive.

  • Window on Eurasia notes a Russian expert who says that Ukrainian decentralization will be impossible at present and suggests that a new Munich arrangement over Ukraine is unlikely owing to Western distrust.

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The Senate Intelligence Committee report on CIA torture is probably a top global news story. Finding absolute proof that the CIA, initially unbeknownst to anyone in authority, had set out brutally torturing dozens of people to no good end is shattering. I'd point curious readers to the CBC's coverage, Vox's listing of "16 absolutely outrageous abuses", and The Guardian's summary and The Telegraph's liveblog.

One morally right analysis I've come across is Jeffrey Goldberg's "'The Case for Rage and Retribution'" at The Atlantic. Goldberg's article takes its name from a Lance Morrow column in Time published immediately after the September 11th terrorist attacks. This was what Americans (and others!) felt at the time, but policy should never have been made on the basis of these two emotions. It makes us all collaborators in the terrible things which might be unleashed.

[T]his fury explains why we should resist the urge to make believe that what the CIA did to some of its detainees, according to the newly released Senate report, reflects poorly on the CIA alone. Lance Morrow was wrong: A policy of focused brutality does, in fact, come easily, even to a self-conscious and self-indulgent country such as ours, if we allow the rage terrorists create in us to shape our behavior.

The lesson is obvious: The next time a group of Islamist terrorists succeeds in killing large numbers of Americans—and such an attack should be expected—it is important for those who are in positions of power (very much including the writers and commentators who shape popular thinking) to keep in mind that the goal of the United States is to neutralize the threat, and not to seek retribution for the sake of retribution. It is a terrible idea, both morally and practically, to allow hatred to shape counterterrorism policy, but that, I think, explains in part what happened at the CIA. In an atmosphere of comprehensive rage and loathing, bad ideas rose to the surface, and found their champions.


As I've said elsewhere, one thing worse than finding out about something terrible is not finding out about here. Here's to hoping that, in fact, progress will be possible.
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The Halifax Chronicle-Herald's Stephen Maher is one of many commentators to report on the very good news that Canada's speaker of Parliament, Peter Milliken, has forced the Harper government to release documents regarding the possible torture of Afghan detainees to MPs. Thus, Canada's trend to centralize government in the executive has been at least slowed down.

By tradition, in Canada, when a Speaker is elected and first takes his throne, the prime minister and the opposition leader drag him to the throne while he pretends to struggle, a reminder that kings used to behead Speakers.

On Tuesday, Speaker Peter Milliken, like Lenthall before him, asserted the power of Parliament in the face of the power of the Crown, embodied by Prime Minister Stephen Harper.

Milliken ruled that the House, having voted, has the right to demand that MPs be allowed to look at secret documents relating to the treatment of Afghan detainees, although Harper and his ministers have refused to show them.

It is an assertion of the ancient privileges of Parliament, won at the cost of many heads.

"In a system of responsible government, the fundamental right of the House of Commons to hold the government to account for its actions is an indisputable privilege, and in fact an obligation," Milliken said.

"Embedded in our Constitution, parliamentary law and even our standing orders, it is the source of our parliamentary system from which other processes and principles necessarily flow."

The particulars of this showdown do not matter as much as the principle that was reasserted against the efforts of the Crown.

Opposition MPs had asked the government to compromise, to establish a security system so they could look at the information.

The government refused, citing national security, and hired retired Supreme Court judge Frank Iacobucci to decide which documents to release.

Milliken said, though, that this reasonable-sounding measure is flawed, because Iacobucci’s master would be the government, not Parliament.
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Grand news re: possible Canadian complicity in torture in Afghanistan

As Richard Colvin fired off warnings about the treatment of detainees in Afghanistan in 2006, the diplomat's missives bounced into the computers of Foreign Affairs without ever really landing.

Inside the Department of Foreign Affairs, the biggest Canadian overseas commitment since the Korean War was organized like any other file. Diplomats in Kabul and Kandahar had different supervisors. In separate corners of the department's Sussex Drive headquarters in the Pearson building, the peacekeeping desk would handle one memo, the human rights desk another, defence relations a third.

Mr. Colvin sparked a firestorm at the highest levels in Ottawa when he told a parliamentary committee that he warned for a full year that detainees Canadian troops handed over to Afghan forces faced torture before the government began to monitor them.

But behind that furor is another story: outside the combat-focused military, no one was in charge in the early part of the Afghan mission.

A scattered batch of mid-level officials, lacking the incontrovertible proof that Canadians had no means to find, didn't have the overall responsibility or weight to push for big change.

“The buck stopped nowhere,” said one official involved in the Afghan mission.


Worse, apparently the Canadian military was hostile to the oversight of civilians like Colvin.

Mr. Mulroney needed the co-operation of generals, who hated having a diplomat vet their plans. The military had long viewed Mr. Colvin as a nuisance because he persistently pushed different views on issues such as limiting civilian casualties and removing Kandahar's governor, and interrupted during officers' briefings.

“It became easy to discount Richard because he's a pain in the ass,” recalled an official. “David could go to senior military people and say, ‘I understand. People like Colvin, they're part of the old mentality, and I'm going to rein them in.' It threw them an olive branch.”

But at the end of April, 2007, Mr. Harper's government was under fire in Parliament over the treatment of detainees after The Globe and Mail published prisoners' accounts of torture.

Mr. Mulroney issued orders for diplomatic pressure. Mr. Colvin replied that Canada needed a new transfer arrangement with Afghanistan – and Mr. Mulroney curtly told him to follow his orders.
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  • blogTO's Robin Sharp reports on the latest fears that the Annex, arguably the signature neighbourhood of Jane Jacobs' urbanism philosophy, is on the verge of changing hugely.

  • James Bow thanks the opposition parties in the Canadian parliament for passing a resolution forcing the Conservative government to release documentation relevant to the torture of Canadian detainees.

  • Daniel Drezner lets us know that North Korea's revaluation of its currency is producing measurable levels of popular unrest and fears this may help hardliners be all the more in control and remain aggressive internationally.

  • English Eclectic's Paul Halsall thanks American conservative preacher Rick Warren for condemning Uganda's anti-gay law.

  • At Gideon Rachman's blog, the Financial Times' Victor Mallet documents the latest tiresomeness of the Anglo-Spanish confrontations re: Gibraltar.

  • Global Sociology notes that poor countries are great places to dump toxic waste.

  • Douglas Muir at Halfway Down the Danube explores the machinations behind Congo's bizarre seafront and Angola's enclave of Cabinda.

  • Marginal Revolution points out that, contrary to libertarian fantasies, the Confederate States of America was actually quite a strong state.

  • Normblog's Norman Geras points out that using Saudi Arabia's low level of religious tolerance as a standard anywhere in the world is a Bad Thing.

  • Noel Maurer follows up on Douglas Muir's post on Congo's weird maritime border by examining how that border created the oil-rich Angolan enclave of Cabinda, and documents Venezuela's now-finished oil-driven economic boom.

  • Strange Maps documents another case of long-standing cultural differences driving politics, here dialectal differences mapping onto support for conservative and liberal parties in Denmark.

  • At Understanding Society, Daniel Little examines how recent community surveys in southeastern Michigan document the recession's severe effects, and examines Arthur Koestler's fictional take on Bukharin.

  • At the Volokh Conspiracy, Eugene Volokh reveals that even states which explicitly don't recognize same-sex marriage recognize the parenting rights of same-sex couples, split or otherwise, as per long-standing practice.

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Imagine that.

Canadians aren't buying the Harper government's assertion that there's no credible evidence Afghan detainees were tortured, a new poll suggests.

Indeed, The Canadian Press Harris-Decima survey indicates Canadians are twice as likely to believe whistleblower Richard Colvin's claim that all prisoners handed over by Canadian soldiers to Afghan authorities were likely abused and that government officials were well aware of the problem.

The poll findings come just as the government is mounting a major counter-offensive to rebut the explosive testimony of Colvin, the former No. 2 at the Canadian embassy in Kabul and now an intelligence officer at the embassy in Washington.

Rick Hillier, the former chief of defence staff, and several other top military officials are scheduled to testify later today at a Commons committee that is investigating the torture claims.

Hillier has already said there was always concern about the treatment of prisoners transferred to Afghan prisons but that he doesn't remember the kind of "smoking gun" warnings Colvin says he repeatedly issued.

Hillier has his work cut out for him to convince Canadians, the poll suggests.

Fifty-one per cent of respondents said they believe Colvin's testimony to the committee last week.

In stark contrast, only 25 per cent said they believe the government's contention that the diplomat's claims are flimsy and not credible.

A majority in all regions - except Alberta where 41 per cent believed Colvin and 35 per cent the government - sided with the whistleblower.

Those who identified themselves as supporters of Prime Minister Stephen Harper's Conservatives were most inclined to give the government the benefit of the doubt. But even they were almost evenly split.
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Posted without comment, taken from the CBC.

All detainees transferred by Canadians to Afghan prisons were likely tortured by Afghan officials and many of the prisoners were innocent, says a former senior diplomat with Canada's mission in Afghanistan.

Appearing before a House of Commons committee Wednesday, Richard Colvin blasted the detainees policies of Canada and compared them with the policies of the British and the Netherlands.

The detainees were captured by Canadian soldiers then handed over to the Afghan intelligence service, called the NDS.

Colvin said Canada was taking six times as many detainees as British troops and 20 times as many as the Dutch.

He said unlike the British and Dutch, Canada did not monitor their conditions; took days, weeks or months to notify the Red Cross; kept poor records; and to prevent scrutiny, the Canadian Forces leadership concealed this behind "walls of secrecy."

[. . .]

According to our information, the likelihood is that all the Afghans we handed over were tortured. For interrogators in Kandahar, it was a standard operating procedure," Colvin said.

He said the most common forms of torture were beatings, whipping with power cables, the use of electricity, knives, open flames and rape.

[. . .]

Colvin told the committee that the detainees were not "high-value targets" such as IED bomb makers, al-Qaeda terrorists or Taliban commanders.

"According to a very authoritative source, many of the Afghans we detained had no connection to insurgency whatsoever," he said. "From an intelligence point of view, they had little or no value."

Colvin said some may have been foot soldiers or day fighters but many were just local people at the wrong place at the wrong time.

"In other words, we detained and handed over for severe torture a lot of innocent people."

[. . .]

Colvin said when a new ambassador arrived in May, the paper trail on detainees was reduced and reports on detainees were at times "censored" with crucial information removed.

He said all of these steps were "extremely irregular."

At the time, the government denied there were any credible allegations of torture.

But Tories questioned the validity of Colvin's sources, saying the information he received concerning the allegations were from second-hand and third-hand reports.

Colvin's testimony "seemed dramatic, but under questioning it was revealed to be filmsy, inconsistent, unreliable," Laurie Hawn, parliamentary secretary to Defence Minister Peter MacKay told CBC News. "[He] did not come across as credible."

While he didn't doubt Colvin's sincerity, "every time something has happened in that mission, we have taken action," Hawn said. "And that's evidenced by the improvements in the prison, the training we've done, money we've invested, the visits we've had organized with the various authorities there."


Well, two comments.

1. "Oh Canada."

2. People are dying to support this regime?
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This came from Facebook.

Chicago radio host Erich "Mancow" Muller decided he'd get himself waterboarded to prove the technique wasn't torture.

It didn't turn out that way. "Mancow," in fact, lasted just six or seven seconds before crying foul. Apparently, the experience went pretty badly -- "Witnesses said Muller thrashed on the table, and even instantly threw the toy cow he was holding as his emergency tool to signify when he wanted the experiment to stop," according to NBC Chicago.

"The average person can take this for 14 seconds," Marine Sergeant Clay South told his audience before he was waterboarded on air. "He's going to wiggle, he's going to scream, he's going to wish he never did this."

Mancow was set on a 7-foot long table with his legs elevated and his feet tied.

"I wanted to prove it wasn't torture," Mancow said. "They cut off our heads, we put water on their face...I got voted to do this but I really thought 'I'm going to laugh this off.' "

The upshot? "It is way worse than I thought it would be, and that's no joke," Mancow told listeners. "It is such an odd feeling to have water poured down your nose with your head back...It was instantaneous...and I don't want to say this: absolutely torture."

"Absolutely. I mean that's drowning," he added later. "It is the feeling of drowning."

"If I knew it was gonna be this bad, I would not have done it," he said.


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This week, I've added the comment forum t h e FORVM to the blogroll. Go, visit!


  • Acts of Minor Treason's Andrew Barton blogs about the need to remember history so as to war against the dying of the light.

  • Alpha Sources' Claus Vistesen is wondering what the investment patterns of Japanese housewives indicate about the structure of the Japanese economy and the prospects for world economic recovery.

  • blogTO reports that fiddleheads are now available to eat in Toronto. real fiddleheads, not the ones that I mistakenly identified on Prince Edward Island as a youth.

  • Antonia Zerbisias at Broadsides points out that Mother's Day was proposed by a woman, Julia Ward Howe, who sought to make the holiday into a memorial by mothers to their sons killed in the Civil War and other conflicts. And yes, she also wrote the Battle Hymn of the Republic.)

  • Far Outliers' Joel quotes Niall Ferguson on the origins of the Second World War, to the effect that Hitler's foreign policy was actually a radical reorientation of Germany's traditional foreign policy.

  • t h e FORVM's M Aurelius makes the point, on Margaret Thatcher's 30th anniversary, that she would come across as a "Euro wimp," a member of the Democratic Party, even, to many Republicans today. (She believed in science! She allowed abortion rights! She didn't bomb targets on the Argentine mainland!)

  • Lawyers, Guns and Money's Charli Carpenter makes the point that the question of whether or not torture is effective is beside the point.

  • Marginal Revolution explores the reasons why Canada's financial sector didn't have a meltdown on the American model. Among other things, people can't walk away from their mortgages.

  • [livejournal.com profile] pauldrye at Passing Strangeness examines the horse flu epidemic of the 1870s, with its implications for the economy, politics and war, and the emergent fields of microbiology and epidemiology.

  • Noel Maurer takes on the concept of a resource curse.

  • Space and Culture has a picture of oil sands scrapers on the move in northern Alberta.

  • Spacing Toronto's posts a video depicting the Lower Donlands, now a relatively industrial and unattractive area, post-clean up and restoration, while Thomas Wicks blogs about the Iroquoian longhouse in Toronto.

  • Torontoist's Kevin Plummer commemorates the 1934 visit of Canadian communist leader Tim Buck to Toronto.

  • The Volokh Conspiracy's Ilya Sumin wonders when the United Federation of Planets became socialist. Yes, I know.

  • Window on Eurasia suggests that interethnic marriages in the North Caucasus are becoming increasingly rare and wonders about this statistic's import on interethnic relations.

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The case of Maher Arar, a Syrian-Canadian computer technician who was sent by the United States (with Canadian help) to be imprisoned and tortured for nearly a year in Syria, just took another twist.

An FBI agent’s claim that Omar Khadr had seen Maher Arar at terrorist "safe houses" in Afghanistan was severely undermined today when a military court was told that Arar was in North America during the time in question.

FBI Special Agent Robert Fuller testified Monday that Khadr said he recognized a photo of Arar during an October 2002 interrogation.

Under questioning Tuesday, Fuller said Khadr saw Arar in Afghanistan during late September or October 2001.

A Canadian judicial inquiry determined in 2006 that Arar was working in San Diego on a business trip on the day of the 9/11 terror attacks — and back in Canada in October. In fact, Arar first drew the interest of the RCMP when he met another man they were watching in an Ottawa cafe Oct. 12, 2001.

The FBI claim has drawn ire in Canada and in Ottawa Tuesday Foreign Affairs Minister Lawrence Cannon said the government has not been shaken from its belief that Arar is an innocent man.

Arar has denied ever being in Afghanistan.

Fuller’s evidence was further undercut by revelations that the FBI notes taken during the interrogation stated Khadr was shown a photograph of Arar and at first said he "looked familiar." The notes recorded that "in time" Khadr stated "he felt he had seen" Arar.

[. . .]

Khadr’s lawyers had tried repeatedly to have this week’s hearing delayed so as not to end on the government’s evidence if Obama stops the trial.

Cannon stood by the results of the Canadian inquiry in which Justice Dennis O’Connor concluded Arar was a wronged man.

"Justice O’Connor did a fulsome report ... (and) the government acknowledged and accepted its recommendations," Cannon told the Star.

[. . .]

Paul Cavalluzzo, the commission counsel to Justice O’Connor, noted that the report concluded there was no evidence Arar was engaged in terrorist activity.

Cavalluzzo said that "given what’s happening at Guantanamo Bay, it wouldn’t surprise me if it was a product of torture, which means that it’s meaningless and useless information."

Navy Lt.-Cmdr. Billl Kuebler, Khadr’s Pentagon-appointed lawyer said Tuesday outside court that Khadr, who was 15 and gravely injured when he arrived at the U.S. base in Bagram, would have "confessed to seeing the Pope," to make his interrogations stop.


The distant possibility that Arar was, in fact, in Afghanistan contra his claims to date upsets me, but the methods that have been used and are being used by the Guantanamo system certainly disgust me.
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The Globe and Mail's Colin Freeze is only one of many, many people reporting this news.

A highly secretive inquiry into alleged "torture-by-proxy" by Canadian counterterrorism officials has concluded that none of the overseas detentions of three Arab Canadians resulted directly from the actions of Canadian officials.

However, the inquiry did find that the three men were tortured in foreign prisons and that the mistreatment may have "resulted indirectly from several actions of Canadian officials" who were "deficient" in some of their actions, even if that had not been any civil servant's overriding intent.

"I found no evidence that any of these of these officials were seeking to do anything other than carry out conscientiously the duties and responsibilities of the institutions of which they were part," Former Supreme Court justice Frank Iacobucci wrote in a 544-page report released Tuesday after exploring the actions of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, the RCMP and the Department of Foreign Affairs.

“It is neither necessary nor appropriate that I make findings concerning the actions of any individual Canadian official and I have not done so.”

[. . .]

[T]he report does contain some telling revelations, including that CSIS sent questions to Syria through a back channel. "In early December 2001, CSIS sent questions to a foreign agency to be sent to Syrian authorities to be put to Mr. Elmaati."

Even though the judge found that the intent of the questions was largely to test the veracity of the prisoner's coerced confession, "it is reasonable to infer that Mr. Elmaati's mistreatment by Syrian officials resulted indirectly, at least in part, from sending questions to be asked of Mr. Elmaati by Syrian officials."

Or, more succinctly, as he puts it, the Syrians wouldhave viewed the CSIS questions as "a green light ... rather than a red light" to stop.

He argued that "no Canadian officials should consider themselves exempt" from the responsibility of upholding human rights.

Foreign Affairs was deficient in providing consular services to some detainees, he writes.

A previous judicial inquiry had raised similar issues, even though it was not specifically tasked to look at these cases. For example, it was known that the Mounties had faxed a list of questions to Syria for interrogators to put to Mr. Almalki, and had used the coerced confession from Mr. El Maati to get a phone warrant in Canada.


"I found no evidence that any of these of these officials were seeking to do anything other than carry out conscientiously the duties and responsibilities of the institutions of which they were part," Former Supreme Court justice Frank Iacobucci wrote in a 544-page report released Tuesday after exploring the actions of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service, the RCMP and the Department of Foreign Affairs.

“It is neither necessary nor appropriate that I make findings concerning the actions of any individual Canadian official and I have not done so.”


At least we weren't directly involved.

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