On the 25th of March, when
abortion on Prince Edward Island was still a contentious essay, the Everyday Sociology Blog featured an essay by social scientist
Teresa Irene Gonzales. In
"Spatial Inequity and Access to Abortion", Gonzales noted how some American state governments tried to regulate abortion out of existence indirectly, by cutting down the number of abortion clinics as much as possible and forcing women seeking abortion to travel great distances, ideally prohibitive distances.
Abortion and women's access to abortion are often contested issues within the United States. A recent poll by Pew Research found that 51% of Americans think that abortions should be legal in all or most cases. Yet, 49% of Americans polled think having an abortion is morally wrong. How does this difference in legality and morality impact legal decisions?
Have you heard about the Texas abortion regulations case? In 2013, the Texas solicitor general passed an omnibus abortion bill (HB2) that places additional restrictions on abortion providers. Regulations include requiring doctors to obtain hospital admitting privileges within 30 miles from the clinic where they perform abortions, and requiring abortion clinics to be retrofitted to comply with building regulations that would make them ambulatory surgical centers.
The impact of these bills on women's health has been immediate. Since the passing of HB2, 900,000 women now live farther than 150 miles from an abortion provider and 750,000 live farther than 200 miles; 11 of 33 abortion clinics closed; and wait times have increased. In addition, according to researchers at the Texas Policy Evaluation Project (TxPEP), the number of physicians who provide abortions across the state fell from 48 to 28.
The restriction of a woman's right to access either reproductive health and/or abortion care exacerbates issues of spatial inequality and isolation. In Texas, women are faced with potentially long travel times, barriers to finding a culturally competent doctor and/or a doctor that speaks the patient's language, and increased costs (time off work, transportation, childcare, healthcare and prescriptions) to accessing reproductive healthcare. This is particularly onerous for impoverished women, women of color, immigrant women, and those who reside in more rural areas.
This fits exactly the historic policy of Prince Edward Island re: abortion, as I described in February in
"#heywade, @iamkarats, Anne of Green Gables, and the future of Prince Edward Island". Starting in 1982, religious conservatives prevented abortions from occurring in the province's health facilities, requiring women seeking abortion to leave the province. As Prince Edward Island is, in fact, an island, this imposes significant costs indeed. That Island women seeking abortions also had to get referrals was another hurdle imposed.

This ban was famously been rescinded on the 31st, just a few days after Gonzalez' article was published. That this happened is in no small part because of a brilliant public relations campaign that
used the image of Anne Shirley, of Green Gables fame to mobilize opinion against the ban. That the Island also faced an impending lawsuit, as
noted in the
Canadian Medical Association Journal, doubtless played into things.
[Premier Wade MacLauchlan] noted that the government was unlikely to win the lawsuit launched by Abortion Access Now PEI Inc. That suit contended that the government’s policy contravened the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms and that its purpose “is to advance a particular conception of morality and to restrict access to abortion as a socially undesirable or immoral practice.” The pro-choice group filed a notice of litigation in January that required a response from the government within 90 days.
The government’s decision to provide abortions on PEI will do more than ensure timely and safe access to this health service; it will reduce the stigma associated with abortion on the island, says Ann Wheatley, cochair of Abortion Access Now PEI. “The policy of the government not to allow abortions to be performed in the province has for the past 30 years conveyed a message that there was something wrong, even sinister, about the procedure. It had the effect of stigmatizing abortion, and causing women to feel ashamed and fearful.”
No abortions have been performed in PEI since 1982. They are offered out of province at the Queen Elizabeth II Health Sciences Centre in Halifax, Nova Scotia, with a referral from a PEI physician, or at the Moncton Hospital in New Brunswick, where no referral is necessary. The latter option is relatively new. MacLauchlan made arrangements with the Moncton facility shortly after he was elected in May 2015. Women do not have to pay for the cost of out-of-province abortion services, but they must pay for their own travel, accommodation and other related expenses.
It
made the news in Britain's
The Guardian, and it made a proportionally bigger
splash in
The Guardian of Charlottetown. The news coverage in the latter has been particularly interesting to read, as pro-abortion Islanders celebrate and anti-abortion Islanders mourn. I'm in the former camp, as it happens. I'm particularly interested in how the abortion services will apparently be folded into a new
women's reproductive health centre, one that will also provide more pre- and post-natal care for pregnant women, one that might
integrate midwives into the service, and so on. Women's health, and reproductive health, are now specific priorities of the provincial health system.
I'm personally inclined to see the decline of old Prince Edward Island and its integration into a new modernized world.
Premier Wade MacLauchlan is openly gay; the Island's economy is kept afloat by tourists' money, primary industries continuing their long slide; immigration is playing an increasingly important role in the province's population; cultural urbanization is proceeding apace. The old Prince Edward Island, self-consciously conservative and traditional and homogeneous and quietly repressive is almost dead. In its place is a new Island where old norms and the old exceptionalism are increasingly irrelevant. The Island is becoming a place not very different from the rest of Canada.
For a variety of reasons, including personal reasons, I think this a good thing. Doubtless others--including others on the Island--disagree. I wonder what sort of political dynamic this cultural shift will drive in the decades ahead.