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Some more population-related links popped up over the past week.



  • CBC Toronto reported on this year’s iteration of Winter Stations. A public art festival held on the Lake Ontario shorefront in the east-end Toronto neighbourhood of The Beaches, Winter Stations this year will be based around the theme of migration.

  • JSTOR Daily noted how the interracial marriages of serving members of the US military led to the liberalization of immigration law in the United States in the 1960s. With hundreds of thousands of interracial marriages of serving members of the American military to Asian women, there was simply no domestic constituency in the United States
  • Ozy reported on how Dayton, Ohio, has managed to thrive in integrating its immigrant populations.

  • Amro Ali, writing at Open Democracy, makes a case for the emergence of Berlin as a capital for Arab exiles fleeing the Middle East and North America in the aftermath of the failure of the Arab revolutions. The analogy he strikes to Paris in the 1970s, a city that offered similar shelter to Latin American refugees at that time, resonates.

  • Alex Boyd at The Island Review details, with prose and photos, his visit to the isolated islands of St. Kilda, inhabited from prehistoric times but abandoned in 1930.
  • VICE looks at the plight of people who, as convicted criminals, were deported to the Tonga where they held citizenship. How do they live in a homeland they may have no experience of? The relative lack of opportunity in Tonga that drove their family's earlier migration in the first place is a major challenge.

  • Window on Eurasia notes how, in many post-Soviet countries including the Baltic States and Ukraine, ethnic Russians are assimilating into local majority ethnic groups. (The examples of the industrial Donbas and Crimea, I would suggest, are exceptional. In the case of the Donbas, 2014 might well have been the latest point at which a pro-Russian separatist movement was possible.)

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  • Centauri Dreams shares a cool design for a mid-21st century Triton landing mission.

  • Crooked Timber argues American conservative intellectuals have descended to hackwork.

  • D-Brief notes the surprisingly important role that eyebrows may have played in human evolution.

  • Dead Things notes how a hominid fossil discovery in the Arabian desert suggests human migration to Africa occurred almost 90 thousand years ago, longer than previously believed.

  • Hornet Stories notes that biphobia in the LGBTQ community is one factor discouraging bisexuals from coming out.

  • At In Media Res, Russell Arben Fox gives a favourable review to Wendell Berry's latest, The Art of Loading Brush.

  • JSTOR Daily explores the connections between Roman civilization and poisoning as a means for murder.

  • Lawyers, Guns and Money notes how the early 20th century American practice of redlining, denying minorities access to good housing, still marks the maps of American cities.

  • The LRB Blog notes how the 1948 assassination of reformer Gaitan in Bogota changed Colombia and Latin America, touching the lives of Gabriel Garcia Marquez and Fidel Castro.

  • The Map Room Blog notes that Spacing has launched a new contest, encouraging creators of inventive maps of Canadian cities to do their work.

  • The NYR Daily notes a new exhibit of Victorian art that explores its various mirrored influences, backwards and forwards.

  • At the Planetary Society Blog, Jason Davis explores TESS, the next generation of planet-hunting astronomy satellite from NASA.

  • Starts With A Bang's Ethan Siegel shares photos of planetary formation around sun-like star TW Hydrae.

  • Window on Eurasia notes that a combination of urbanization, Russian government policy, and the influence of pop culture is killing off minority languages in Russia.

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Moroccan-born Torontonian describes how Natasha, about a Russian Jewish immigrant family in Toronto, speaks to her experiences of assimilation and personal transformation.

I met the Bermans more than 10 years ago in a fiction-writing workshop. It was my first semester at Concordia University in Montreal, and I was always overdressed for those early fall days—evidence that not too long ago, I was accustomed to living under an African sun. Halfway through the semester, as an example of ethnic literature, my professor introduced our class to the short story collection Natasha and Other Stories. The writer, David Bezmozgis, was a rising young Canadian author, and the collection was his first successful published book (it was nominated for the Governor General’s Award, and went on to win the Toronto Book Award and the Commonwealth Writers’ Prize for First Book—it became a bestseller).

In the collection, the Bermans—husband and wife Roman and Bella and their son Mark—move to Toronto in 1980 from Latvia, then still an entity of the Soviet Union, to begin their lives as Canadian immigrants. They experiment with the English language, with the North American way of doing business (Roman struggles as a massage therapist, taking on odd temporary jobs he was not trained for), with love in the suburbs in a home they can eventually afford to purchase. They move forward balancing a deeply entrenched Russian identity with the expectations of integration—often with awkward and uncomfortable results.

Although the seven stories that live in Natasha and Other Stories revolve around their specific immigration and assimilation experience as a Jewish Russian family, I—a Muslim Arab from Morocco—connected with the earnest aspirations of its characters. I felt a warm sense of belonging, a sudden surge of hope. With the Bermans, I was less alone.

[. . .]

Having been “Americanized” during my pre-university years at the Rabat American School in Morocco did nothing to prepare me for the cultural dislocation I experienced when I first came to Canada. It was an illumination to my silly ignorance to discover that Canadians are actually not at all like Americans, and that moving to another country is not at all like travelling.

Growing up in Morocco, I was a conflicted teenager: I was naturally extroverted, but would often turn down social gatherings in favour of reading books from abroad in my room. Looking back now, I understand that I was an artist at heart awkwardly looking to forge an identity in the arts while aunts, uncles, and friends of the family would insist I get up at weddings and belly-dance like the rest of the women (I still don’t know how to belly-dance). I decided to forge a career in the world of words in an English-speaking country. My late father was thrilled that I wanted more than to find a good Moroccan husband.


The things you learn.
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The Economist's article "The silent minority" explores how German-Americans, despite their numbers and former influence, are very highly assimilated, and how they became this way.

German-Americans are America’s largest single ethnic group (if you divide Hispanics into Mexican-Americans, Cuban-Americans, etc). In 2013, according to the Census bureau, 46m Americans claimed German ancestry: more than the number who traced their roots to Ireland (33m) or England (25m). In whole swathes of the northern United States, German-Americans outnumber any other group (see map). Some 41% of the people in Wisconsin are of Teutonic stock.

Yet despite their numbers, they are barely visible. Everyone knows that Michael Dukakis is Greek-American, the Kennedy clan hail from Ireland and Mario Cuomo was an Italian-American. Fewer notice that John Boehner, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and Rand Paul, a senator from Kentucky with presidential ambitions, are of German origin.

Companies founded by German-Americans tend to play down their roots, too: think of Pfizer, Boeing, Steinway, Levi Strauss or Heinz. Buried somewhere on their websites may be a brief note that “Steinway & Sons was founded in 1853 by German immigrant Henry Engelhard Steinway in a Manhattan loft on Varick Street”. But firms that play up their Germanic history—as Kohler does, in a short film shown at the Waelderhaus—are rare.

German immigrants have flavoured American culture like cinnamon in an Apfelkuchen. They imported Christmas trees and Easter bunnies and gave America a taste for pretzels, hot dogs, bratwursts and sauerkraut. They built big Lutheran churches wherever they went. Germans in Wisconsin launched America’s first kindergarten and set up Turnvereine, or gymnastics clubs, in Milwaukee, Cincinnati and other cities.

After a failed revolution in Germany in 1848, disillusioned revolutionaries decamped to America and spread progressive ideas. “Germanism, socialism and beer makes Milwaukee different,” says John Gurda, a historian. Milwaukee is the only big American city that had Socialist mayors for several decades, of whom two, Emil Seidel and Frank Zeidler, were of German stock. As in so many other countries where Germans have settled, they have dominated the brewing trade. Beer barons such as Jacob Best, Joseph Schlitz, Frederick Pabst and Frederick Miller made Milwaukee the kind of city that more or less had to call its baseball team the Brewers.
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  • Centauri Dreams notes that the Milky Way Galaxy, though vast, is actually quite dim. People positioned outside of it wouldn't see much.

  • D-Brief notes the discovery of a planet orbiting one of two stars in a reasonably close binary system at an Earth-like distance. Good news for Alpha Centauri?

  • The Dragon's Gaze links to a paper on the exoplanet systems of subdwarf B stars.

  • The Dragon's Tales links to a paper examining the methane reservoirs on Titan.

  • Far Outliers notes recent commentary suggesting that Russia would prefer Ukraine not develop a capable modern state, since that could weaken Russian influence.

  • Language Hat shares a list of 55 peculiarities of Canadian English.

  • Language Log disproves the argument that Canadians are more apologetic than others.

  • Marginal Revolution notes controversies over fracking in Australia.

  • The Volokh Conspiracy notes the interesting results of a lawsuit lodged against a bar by a former employee claiming sexual and religious harassment.

  • Window on Eurasia notes how modernization in Russia is threatening minority ethnic groups, and looks at Russian Orthodox-tinged militias in Ukraine.

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  • Bad Astronomy's Phil Plait approves of the names of Pluto's two most recently-discovered moons, Kereberos and Styx.

  • Beyond the Beyond's Bruce Sterling observes that Altavista is set to disappear from the Internet as of the 8th.

  • Daniel Drezner notes that the inability of Edward Snowden to find a country to grant him, buster of state secrets, asylum demonstrates that states around the world like keeping their prerogatives and secrets intact.

  • Commemorating the accession of Croatia to the European Union, Eastern Approaches visits a Dubrovnik that is virtually an enclave on account of the Bosnian frontier, and, at the other end of the Croatian arc, a Vukovar still caught up by ethnic conflict and the legacies of the Serb war in Slavonia.

  • Far Outliers notes the decline of immigrant Japanese Buddhism in Hawaii.

  • The Power and the Money's Noel Maurer explains why Uruguay, contrary to the wishes of many Argentines including--apparently--the president, is a country separate from Argentina.

  • Registan approves of alumnus Sarah Kendzior's examination of the plight of Uzbek migrants, stigmatized by the Karimov dictatorship as lazy for trying to earn a living and forced to witness the victimization of their relatives if they do anything wrong.

  • Savage Minds quotes from Umberto Eco's definition of fascism.

  • The Tin Man celebrates, as a coupled American gay man, the end of DOMA.

  • Torontoist reports that much of the controversy over the Walmart on the fringes of Kensington Market might be--according to the designer--a consequence of a lack of understanding of the design.

  • Van Waffle reports on highlights of his 2012 breeding bird survey.

  • Yorkshire Ranter Alex Harrowell reports on David Goodhart's still-dodgy use of statistics.

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This CBC news article advertising the decline of the Jewish community of Nova Scotia's Cape Breton Island, besides reflecting the ongoing themes of Atlantic Canadian emigration-cum-urbanization and the assimilation of small communities in diasporas, underlines for me the differences between Cape Breton and Pricne Edward Island. The Jewish community of Prince Edward Island, several dozen people strong, is notable (as I blogged once) more for its absence than anything else; with a long history of mass emigration and an unpromising subsistence economy, the Island never attracted many immigrants after Confederation. Cape Breton, now, did have a dynamic industrial economy that attracted people of many diverse backgrounds, emphasis on did.

The 109-year-old synagogue in Glace Bay, N.S., is shutting down, leaving Temple Sons of Israel in Sydney as the sole remaining synagogue on the island.

But it may suffer the same fate in a decade.

"I think the synagogue on Whitney Avenue should have at least another 10 years," said Martin Chernin, president of the Sydney synagogue.

Chernin's family roots in Cape Breton go back to the early 1900s when the area's coal mines and steel plant attracted immigrants from eastern Europe.

By the late 1940s, Chernin said, there were more than 400 Jewish families in industrial Cape Breton, with synagogues in Sydney, Whitney Pier, New Waterford and Glace Bay. Many families had thriving businesses.

"The next generation came along, the parents pushed them to go to university and become professionals. And they did a lot of them. And their children after that did the same thing and, of course, they never came back to Cape Breton," said Chernin.

The Congregation Sons of Israel Synagogue in Glace Bay has about a dozen members. Last year, for the first time ever, there were no high holiday services. Planning is underway to determine what to do with the building.

Chernin said the Sydney congregation has just 57 members, with only a few children, and it relies on a visiting rabbi from Halifax.
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I've a post up taking a look at how the Serbian autonomous province of Vojvodina is becoming increasingly homogeneously Serb by population, thanks to assimilation and migration and whatnot, and suggest that the processes of a still famously multicultural Vojvodina are pioneering, really, comparable processes in other multicultural areas past the demographic transition.
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A recent news article reminded me of the fact that, although Canada's Francophones are overwhelmingly and increaisngly concentrated in Québec and New Brunswick (and Franco-Ontarians, there's still significant Francophone minorities elsewhere.

Hearing French spoken at the Nova Scotia legislature may be less of a novelty if an Acadian MLA gets his way.

Michel Samson, Liberal MLA for Richmond, wants the legislature to offer simultaneous translation so he and other French-speaking MLAs can debate or ask questions in their mother tongue.

The issue came up Wednesday in a rare French-only exchange during question period.

Samson posed a question in French, asking whether the minister of Acadian affairs supported his idea of having French translated into English during those occasions when he and other Acadians want to use French in the house.

Earlier this week Graham Steele, who is also finance minister, said simultaneous translation would likely be too expensive.

"I know many members of the house won't understand what the honourable member just said, but they can see he's very worked up about it," Steele said Wednesday.

If MLAs want a translation service, he said, he'll look into it on one condition.

"Whatever the cost turns out to be, equivalent cuts must be found elsewhere in the assembly's budget. We are not in a position to be adding new things regardless of what the cost might be," Steele said.
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Although the ethnogenesis of the Acadians took place in the west of the modern province of Nova Scotia, the ethnic cleansing of the Acadians by the British at the beginning of the Seven Years War forever disrupted this minority, creating an overwhelming Anglophone majority and a small but concentrated Francophone minority.

While the number of Acadians has been stable during the last 45 years, the population of non-francophones has grown. Thus the percentage of francophones has steadily decreased. From 1951 to 1996, the percentage dropped from 6.1 to 4 percent. The greatest decrease in percentage was between 1971 and 1981, which reflects a decrease in absolute numbers during that time.

Francophones are 15 percent of the population in four of Nova Scotia’s 18 counties. The Acadian population is highly concentrated and Acadians are in the majority in some municipalities. Their impact and presence in the daily life of Nova Scotia’s Acadian areas is much stronger than their percentage of the provincial population would suggest.


There's still ongoing assimilation, however, with the beginnings of an absolute decline in Francophone numbers.

[I]n 1951, the number of Nova Scotians who listed French as their mother tongue stood at 38,943, or 6.1 per cent of the population. By 2006, that number had slid to 33,705 - or 3.7 per cent of the population.

"The results conclude that French is, for the most part, a language of solidarity - and is relegated to private uses in this province," the report's co-author, Kenneth Deveau, told a crowd gathered Monday at the Halifax campus of the Université Sainte-Anne.

"English clearly remains the status language when one considers the degree with which it dominates the public sphere."

The study, funded by Canadian Heritage and Acadian Affairs, found that Nova Scotia's Acadians and francophones are optimistic about their "community's vitality."

But the report, which involved a survey of 600 Acadians and francophones, concludes that such optimism may not be fully warranted.

"In spite of recent progress, the linguistic assimilation rate for francophones of this province is at such a level that the community will not be able to maintain itself indefinitely," the report concludes.

"It's a scary prospect," Deveau added in an interview.


Francophone communities in rural Nova Scotia are disappearing through urbanization and out-migration just like their Anglophone counterparts, while Halifax's Francophone community, growing thanks to urbanization and in-migration, is quite heterogeneous thanks to its diverse origins and not very resistant to assimilation. I'm inclined to think that the Francophone communities will continue to diminish as the old communities wither away and the new communities behave like other immigrant minorities, but perhaps I'll be proven wrong. Perhaps.
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Long-time readers of A Bit More Detail will probably have noticed that I've blogged a fair bit about small ethnic minorities. I've blogged about the Sorbs, a Slavic population in eastern Germany faced not only with assimilation but with the physical destruction of their homeland. I've blogged about the Romansh-speakers of Switzerland, a small people living in southeastern Switzerland that's split between multiple literary languages. Easily the smallest ethnic minority I've blogged about, though, are the Livs of Latvia. In The Baltic Course, the article "Latvia's tiny Livonian minority struggles to keep its language alive" serves as a useful introduction to the subject.

Latvian media recently reported that the last native speaker of Livonian died in February. However, Livonians themselves believe he may not be the last.

"People have been talking about the last (native) Livonian (speaker) dying and suddenly it emerges that he is very far from the last," Valts Ernstreins, 34, one of the leaders of Latvia's Livonian Cultural Center told AFP. He says he knows of five native Livonian speakers living on three continents.

In Latvia, the recently deceased Viktors Bertholds belonged to the last generation of children who started their primary Latvian-language school as Livonian monolinguals.

Thought to be born in 1921, Bertholds avoided being mobilized in either the Soviet army which occupied Latvia in 1940 or German forces that took it over a year later. After Latvia regained its independence from the Soviet Union in 1991, Bertholds taught Livonian in children's summer camps.

"If you think about numbers, then of course, it does not look very good," says Ernstreins, who also owns a cozy store stuffed with Livonian paraphernalia in the Latvian capital, Riga.

Still he is stubbornly optimistic about the future of his tiny ethnic group: "The culture is going to live."

[. . .]

Over the last two centuries, Livonians have enjoyed the support of their Finno-Ugric brothers – Estonia, Finland, and Hungary in their efforts to preserve Livonian.

The three countries helped to build Mazirbe's pride, the Livonian Community Center, in 1938.

A green-white-blue Livonian flag waves in the sea breeze outside the building today, a sight seen near many homes in Mazirbe. Among some young Latvians, it has become hip to learn Livonian and Livonians hope the trend will help them preserve the language.

"It's hard. I want to say something. I look in a dictionary, but there is no word. So you decide to speak or not to speak," says Janis Ertmanis, a 22-year-old student at the University of Latvia as he thumbs through a thin Livonian-Latvian dictionary.

Although Ertmanis has no Livonian blood, he is taking Livonian classes paid for by the government simply because he wants to learn more about the small nation. "I can be their friend, but I'll never be one of them," he reflects.


The Finnic Livonians inhabit the western Latvian region of Courland, bordering the Baltic Sea. At one point, the Livonians likely formed the southernmost of a series of Finnic populations which stretched uninterrupted along the eastern shore of the Baltic Sea, from Livonia to Estonia, Ingria, Karelia, and finally Finland. However, the eastwards expansion of Christian powers of northern Europe changed all this.

During the Livonian Crusade, once prosperous Livonia was devastated, and whole regions were almost completely depopulated. This vacuum was filled by Latvian tribes - Curonians, Semigallians, Latgallians and Selonians - which started to move into the area around 1220, and continued to do so for at least thirty years. They settled mostly in the Daugava Valley, so that the Livonians of Livonia in the East were cut off from those living on the Peninsula of Curonia in the West.

[. . .]

Partly because of recurring devastations of war and the mingling of refugees which those entailed, the Livonians of Livonia were eventually completely assimilated by the Latvians. The last remnant of this once vibrant nation was made up of several families living along the river Salaca (Livonian: Salatsi), but in the second half of the 19th Century the Livonian language and culture completely disappeared from the region known to this day as Livonia. However, in the Latvian dialect spoken in Livonia, a large number of Livonian loanwords have survived, and other traces of Livonian can by found in many geographical names in the region.

Across the Gulf of Riga, in Curonia, the Livonian language and culture also came under heavy pressure, but here it retained a last foothold on the outermost tip of the Curonian Peninsula. Several factors made sure that in this area, known as Līvõd rānda, the Livonian Coast, Latvian culture was too weak to assimilate the Livonians. For one thing, the society of the Livonians living in this area was exclusively sea-oriented and based on fishing, while that of the Latvians in the interior was exclusively land-oriented and mostly agricultural. This distinction meant there was not a lot of interaction between the two groups. Also, the Livonian Coast was separated from the interior of the Peninsula of Curonia by dense forests and impassable marshlands, which made interaction on a regular basis even less likely. Actually the people of the Livonian Coast had much closer ties to the inhabitants of the Estonian island of Saaremaa, across the Gulf of Riga to the North. In their isolated fishing villages these Livonians kept themselves to themselves for centuries. It was not until the 20th Century that the outside world intruded in their quiet existence.


As the article on Livonians in The Red Book of the Peoples of the Russian Empire observes, despite this relative isolation the numbers of Livonians continued to drop, from two thousand towards the end of the 19th century to one thousand in independent Latvia. There, things at first improved before becoming catastrophically worse.

Through the plebiscite of 1923, the Livonians tried to gain permission to establish an ethnic parish but the Latvian government forbade it. However, their culture made noticeable progress in the Latvian Republic. A choir was founded, the Livonian Society created, and Livonian song festivals took place on the Livonian coast of Courland. Livonian language became an optional subject in schools in 1923. Teacher, Mart Lepste, used to ride on horseback from village to village and teach Livonian to those who so wished. A national awakening and desire to develop the Livonian ethnic culture was spurred by the movement to promote closer ties among kindred people in Estonia and Finland in 1920--1930. In 1939 a Livonian Community Centre opened its door at Irel on the Livonian coast, sponsored by the larger kindred nations. All these achivements were annulled with the beginning of World War II and during the following Soviet occupation. Economic and cultural life practically ceased to exist. During the war, just as it had been in World War I, the Livonians were evacuated from their homes and some families fled to Sweden. The life of the Livonians who had returned to their damaged homes changed radically. For instance, they could not go fishing any more because a restricted zone had been established by the Soviet border guard. The Livonians alike the other Baltic peoples suffered from the deportations to Siberia in 1949. All ethnic culture was suppressed. The Livonian Society was banned, the Livonian Community Centre given to others. Even in Latvia Livonian national identity was not recognized. As a curiosity only one registered Livonian lived in the coastal villages of Courland in 1989 (Kolka Area).


Since 1991 there have been attempts to reestablish Livonian culture--in 1992 the Latvian government created the protected Livonian coast (Līvõd Rãnda) area--and the Internet has been a boon to the very dispersed Livonian population, as Uldis Balodis's Virtual Livonia shows. Despite this, it seems quite certain that Livonian culture will cease to be an actively practiced culture by the end of the 21st century, if it hasn't in fact ceased to do so already.
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AFP examines the dwindling community of Eurasians, descendants of centuries-old Portuguese settlements, concentrated in the Malaysian port city of Malacca and a community threatened by assimilation..

George Paul Overee, a sprightly 78-year-old museum guide, greets newcomers with a cheerful "Bom dia" and listens to Portuguese folk music as he sits in his village square.

But like most of the Malaysian Portuguese community in the port city of Malacca, a living legacy of long-gone colonial days, he has never set foot in the country from whence his forefathers journeyed some 500 years ago.

As one of the oldest members of the community, he is intent on preserving this fascinating enclave, with its unique language and traditions, against the pressures of modernisation.

"My children have long left this place. I see my grandchildren every once in a while," Overee said as he guided a group of Chinese tourists through the tiny museum at Malacca's Portuguese settlement.

"But I will never accept that the people in this village will ever forget their culture. It should begin in the family, start speaking the language at home to the young and cultivate the culture," he said.

The Portuguese village, a strip of coastal land overlooking the Malacca Strait, is a hive of activity as community members mingle in the central square, and entertain scores of tourists during the holiday season.

"Tourists are curious about us and there are also many Portuguese who come by to visit and keep in touch with us," Overee said proudly as he played folk music from a CD sent by a tourist from Lisbon.

[. . .]

"Only the very old and the very young remain here and the working people are mostly away seeking better paid jobs in big cities like Kuala Lumpur, Singapore, and even in Australia," said the village headman Peter Gomez.

"We make it a point to keep the festivals every year so that they have an opportunity to get recharged with their culture and the language," he said.

"We are afraid that the culture and the heritage may disappear altogether."
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I'd like to thank reader Errol Cavit for letting me know that, according to New Zealand census-takers, the old divisions in the country between Pākehā/New Zealand European ancestry and those of Māori background, never mind more recent immigrants from the Pacific Islands, Asia, and elsewhere, seem to be fading, as Brian Rudman wrote in the New Zealand Herald.

At the 2006 Census, 429,429 (11.12 per cent) of us refused to play their ethnic game and called ourselves "New Zealander".

[. . .]

It seems that the 78,000 (2.4 per cent) troublemakers who entered "Kiwi" or "New Zealander" in the 2001 Census were an irritant that could be tolerated.


This is an unpopular decision among statisticians, it seems.

Statistics New Zealand issued a discussion paper on the issue and called for public feedback. But the paper makes it plain that the "experts" consulted want no change in the system. Specifically, the paper is against adding a new ethnicity tick box, "New Zealander".

Until now, most self-identifying "New Zealanders" have been Pakeha who don't regard themselves as European and have said so by registering in the "other" category. The experts fear that if this is simplified by adding a tick box in the next census, the flood gates will be opened as people of all sort of ethnicities join the rebellion.


More fairly, perhaps, these statisticians are concerned that without accurate statistics it will be difficult to target programs towards relatively disadvantaged ethnic minorities.

One blogger suggests that these responses mark the birth of a distinct New Zealand ethnicity. While this may well be true, it shouldn't be overblown--in Canada's 2001 census, "22.77% of respondents gave a single response of 'Canadian', while a further 16.65% identified with both 'Canadian', and one or more other ancestries." English Canada was settled a half-century before New Zealand, French Canada more than two centuries, so it makes sense to me that a distinctive New Zealanderness would take some time to form. Barring unforeseen changes like ethnic conflict, the steady New Zealandization of New Zealand's population produced by increased intermingling of population will probably be a durable trend.
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The Toronto Star last Sunday had an interesting article on the legal assimilation of First Nations in Canada, Nicholas Keung's "'Status Indians' face threat of extinction".

Leaning against a creamy white war monument on the 1,200-hectare Alderville First Nation reserve north of Cobourg, Wayne Beaver wonders how long his ancestors' land will remain in his people's hands.

They've survived decimation by disease and discrimination, but now Canada's native people are facing what Beaver calls "a legislated extinction of status Indians."

Statistics that show the self-identified aboriginal population is growing fast – a 45 per cent jump over 10 years to 1.2 million – can be deceiving, said Beaver. Under Canadian law, those who "count" are "status Indians" – a group strictly defined by the Indian Act.

Many First Nations communities will die out within a few generations, in terms of registered Indians. That's because the "two-generation cut-off" created when the Indian Act was revised in 1985 stipulates only children born of two Indian status parents inherit status. Because of intermarriage, some communities will see their last status Indian born as soon as 2012.

"Status matters, because all our funding is tied to how many status Indians we have in our nation," said Beaver, 69, whose 1,000-member community expects to see its last status Indians born in 2032.

"What happens to the land when there is no more (status) Indians? The reserve would be returned to ... the federal government. Eventually, we will lose our land and everything that we call ours now."

Bill C-31 was passed in response to a formal censure by the United Nations, which decried the old law's practice of discriminating against Indian women: Women lost their status when they married a non-status person. Men did not.

But instead of opening the doors to the non-status partners of aboriginal women – a move that would have hugely increased Ottawa's financial obligations – the amendments ensured that men and women suffered equal losses.

The new law extended Indian status and its accompanying rights, benefits and services – such as tax immunity, health benefits and reserve housing – to just one more generation by creating two classes of "status Indians": the 6(1) Indian who has two status parents, and the 6(2), who was born in a union of a status person with a non-status person. If a 6(2) marries a non-status spouse, their children are deemed to be non-status.


In Canada, members of the First Nations--not, incidentally, including Inuit, Métis, or unregistered Indians--are all listed on the Indian Register, which defines who can and who cannot be considered a member of a First Nations by government, and thus be eligible for a wide variety of benefits. This, as a parliamentary report notes, is a serious problem.

The most important target of criticism is the “second generation cut-off rule” that results in the loss of Indian status after two successive generations of parenting by non-Indians. People registered under section 6(2) have fewer rights than those registered under section 6(1), because they cannot pass on status to their child unless the child’s other parent is also a registered Indian. One criticism comes from women who, prior to 1985, lost status because of marriages to non-Indian men. These women are able to regain status under section 6(1); however, their children are entitled to registration only under section 6(2). In contrast, the children of Indian men who married non-Indian women, whose registration before 1985 was continued under section 6(1), are able to pass on status if they marry non-Indians.(27)

Children of unmarried non-Indian women and Indian men are also treated differently according to gender. Male lineage criteria in the legislation prior to 1985 permitted the registration of all such male children born before 1985. After the passage of Bill C‑31, however, female children born to Indian men and non-Indian women between 4 September 1951 and 17 April 1985 became eligible for registration only as the children of one Indian parent.

The application of the amendments has also led to a situation in which members of the same family may be registered in different categories. One example could occur in a family that enfranchised, and in which the mother is a non-Indian. Under Bill C‑31, a child born prior to the family’s enfranchisement is eligible for registration under section 6(1), while a child born after enfranchisement is eligible only under section 6(2), since one parent is not an Indian. This affects the ability to pass on status, because the latter child will be able to pass on status to his or her children only if their other parent is a status Indian.


In the final analysis, the Indian Act may end up seeing the assimilation of First Nations into the general Canadian population. If the Indian Act is not revised, if intermarriage rates continue to grow, language shifts to English or French from native languages continue, and the ongoing urbanization of First Nations population goes on at the standard rate, in the end nearly all First Nations populations save those concentrated in native-majority territories--Inuit Nunavut and Nunavik in northern Québec, say, or Cree-populated areas in the northern prairie provinces, perhaps--might just blend in and so remove the basis for any continued autonomous regimes. Probably, perhaps; I find it telling that Nicholas Keung is the Star's immigration reporter, not native affairs reporter.
rfmcdonald: (Default)
I recently came across a recent article (in English) from Deutsche Welle that made reference to a recent push by German conservatives to enfranchise the German language as the official language of the Federal Republic.

[M]embers of Merkel's conservative Christian Democratic Union (CDU) [. . .] at their recent party conference in Stuttgart[, o]verwhelmingly[. . .] approved a resolution -- despite Merkel's reservations -- calling on the German parliament to enshrine the German language in the constitution.

Article 22 of the constitution already states that the nation's capital shall be Berlin, and the flag shall be black, red and gold, but hitherto has made no reference to the German language.

That will change if the CDU's proposal wins approval in parliament and the sentence, "The language of the Federal Republic of Germany shall be German," is incorporated in the constitution.

[. . .]

German has never been a very popular language, despite the efforts of its classic writers Goethe and Schiller.

Its popularity plummeted after two world wars, but in the early 1990s German enjoyed a temporary renaissance after German reunification.

Of the 20 million people learning German around the world, two-thirds of them were in Eastern Europe and the former republics of the Soviet Union.

In Poland, the number of German students tripled from 500,000 in 1988 to 1.5 million by 1994.

Now, however, interest in learning German is down. In Britain, the number of students studying German has been on the wane for years.


The article goes on to suggest that this push has multiple motivations, with German's enfranchisement being seen alternatively as a vehicle for social inclusion and as a tool to be used against unpopular non-Germanophone immigrant minorities like the Turks, with concern over excessive influences from English on German vocabulary complicating the matter.

One thing that interests me is the emphasis placed on the German language's decline. There has been a catastrophic disappearance of mother-tongue speakers of German east of Germany and Austria, the disappearance German minorities in central and eastern Europe occurring as a consequence of the post-Second World War expulsions and a citizenship law that granted the ethnic Germans remaining in the region (and East Germans, too) automatic citizenship in the then-West Germany, while most of the countries once in the German sphere of cultural influence ended up falling in the sphere of the Russian language during the Cold War and then in the sphere of the English language afterwards. I wonder what this debate would look like--if this debate would exist at all--if speakers of German weren't concentrated in Germany (and its southern neighbours of Austria and Switzerland, to be sure).
rfmcdonald: (Default)
A recent post at Joe. My. God. referred to a marketing study commissioned by Logo, an American GLBT television channel, that suggested that a majority of the channel's younger viewers didn't identify themselves particularly with stereotypical patterns, hoping for partners, children, suburban living, friendship networks including large numbers of heterosexuals, and so on. The response to this in the comments thread was fairly harsh, with many commenters denouncing younger members of the various non-heterosexual aggregates as not only ungrateful people brainwashed by heterosexual culture but as people who were willing by their lack of commitment to put the security of non-heterosexuals at risk.

I disagree. I can testify Gay assimilation has proceeded as gay rights have increasingly been acknowledged, this acknowledgment coming not in the entrenchment of social difference from heterosexuals but in the acquisition of the various social and economic rights already enjoyed by heterosexuals. The sharp decline of anti-Semitism in the countries where nearly all Jews live has accelerated Jewish assimilation, as traditional Jewish languages like Ladino and Yiddish die along with their associated popular and religious cultures even as intermarriage grows. Other examples of this can be found in Chinese assimilation in Thailand, Japanese assimilation in Brazil, or Italian assimilation in France.

What do you think about these trends? Do you think that there is there any way, in a liberal society, to prevent this assimilation, to successfully combine active participation in a wider society with the active participation in a culture? Or, as legal and societal incentives against assimilation fall, is a very strong shift towards the norms of the dominant culture inevitable? My readers can doubtless think of other examples of minority groups that have largely assimilated as their acceptance has progressed. Examples of minority groups that have not assimilated would be interesting. Also, do you think that younger members you who adopt the norms of the majority culture are making ill-judged decisions?

As always, please be polite in the comments. Yes, anonymous comments are welcome.

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