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  • Crooked Timber enthuses over the remixing, or remastering, of arguably the Beatles' most iconic album.

  • Far Outliers notes the Albanian language's alphabet struggles in the wider geopolitics of Albania.

  • Joe. My. God. notes an American soccer player opted to quit rather than to wear a Pride jersey.

  • Language Hat notes a new online atlas of Algonquian languages.

  • The NYRB Daily argues that Theresa May's election defeat makes the fantasy of a hard Brexit, at least, that much less possible.

  • Window on Eurasia notes Russia's concern at the dissipation of the prestige of its language and script its former empire, especially in Ukraine.

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  • blogTO looks at deserted Mirvish Village.

  • Crooked Timber reenages with the Rachel Carson and DDT myth.

  • The Crux looks at the Mandela Effect, exploring false memories.

  • Dangerous Minds makes the case for the musical genius of Bobbie Gentry.

  • From the Heart of Europe's Nicholas Whyte recounts his visit to Albania's bunker museum.

  • Lawyers, Guns and Money notes Brazil's retirement of its only aircraft carrier.

  • The LRB Blog looks at the extent and speed of events in the Trump Administration.

  • Marginal Revolution engages with a book examining France's carving out a "cultural exception" in international trade agreements.

  • Personal Reflections' Jim Belshaw reports on the passing of rulership of the Australian micronation of Hutt River.

  • Peter Rukavina shares good advice for visiting museums: visit only what you can take in.

  • Window on Eurasia looks at Russian Orthodox Church opposition to a certain kind of Russian civic nationality, and argues Russia is losing even its regional superpower status.

  • Yorkshire Ranter Alex Harrowell reports on how local councils in the United Kingdom are speculating on commercial property.

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  • Centauri Dreams considers, among other things, studies of Alpha Centauri.

  • D-Brief talks about the unexpected chill of Venus' poles.

  • The Dragon's Tales shares a photo of the San Francisco shoreline.

  • Far Outliers notes the rare achievements of Michael the Brave.

  • Joe. My. God. notes the recent finding by an American court that transgendered students are protected.

  • The LRB Blog reports on the nuitards.

  • Marginal Revolution notes some of the singular failure of the Brazilian economy over the past century.

  • The Power and the Money's Noel Maurer wonders why some people apparently call Russia and North Korea the 51st states.

  • pollotenchegg maps election results onto declared language in Ukraine.

  • Savage Minds starts a series on decolonizing anthropology.

  • Torontoist celebrates the tenth anniversary of Type Books.

  • Transit Toronto notes upcoming repairs to Ossington.

  • Window on Eurasia reports on Russian fears that the Russian economy might be doomed to stagnate.

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Bloomberg's Andra Timu and Irina Vilcu note how Romania is trying to benefit from uncertainty in Poland.

Romania’s finance chief sees an opening for her nation to become eastern Europe’s go-to investment destination as nerves jangle over government policies in Poland, until recently the region’s top performer.

The second-poorest European Union member has been underestimated by investors and eclipsed by its neighbors for too long, said Finance Minister Anca Dragu, citing a calmer political backdrop and an economic expansion that’s set to surge more than 4 percent this year. Standard & Poor’s cut Poland’s credit rating on Jan. 15 on concern the new government is undermining the independence of institutions such as courts and media.

“There are certain developments in the region that have investors worried,” Dragu said Friday in an interview in Bucharest. “Compared with that, Romania’s economic growth is balanced and sustainable, we have an educated population and relative political stability that we need to appreciate more because we don’t have extremist parties that cause problems in other countries.”

Romania is no stranger to political drama itself: Dragu is part of a technocrat cabinet led by former European Commissioner Dacian Ciolos, who took over in November after anti-corruption protests in the European Union and NATO member prompted his predecessor to quit. It also faces competition to lure cash fleeing Poland from other local peers, such as the Czech Republic, a regional haven whose 10-year borrowing costs are lower than every country in the world except for Japan, Switzerland, Germany, and the Netherlands.
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Euractiv notes the unsurprising fact that migration from Kosovo, arguably the poorest country in Europe, has recently spiked.

There is no precise information on the number of Albanians who ave left Kosovo. Estimates in early February cite several hundred leaving daily. According to data provided by security forces, over the past two months, more than 50,000 have left, while media estimate 100,000 since August 2014.

Such claims are dismissed by Kosovo government officials, who stress that even the smaller number they know of is cause for concern and is a heavy burden on Pristina.

This led the Kosovo Assembly to pass a special resolution on stopping illegal migration and to request that the Kosovo government earmark between 40 and 50 million euros, which would be used to create new jobs and solve social problems.

At the same time, Kosovo President Atifete Jahjaga started touring the municipalities from which the biggest number of illegal migrants had left, and spoke about the matter directly with the those she met on the street and in restaurants.

As one of the measures aimed at stemming the flow of migrants, on 5 February, the government decided to form a commission that would consider the possibility of writing off all of their debts to institutions and public enterprises created between 1999 and the end of 2008. The possibility of writing off interest on the debts of citizens and companies incurred after 2008 was also announced.
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I didn't link to this important news, reported by the CBC among many others. Is it too much to hope that this might lead to a thawing in intra-Yugoslav relations?

The top court of the United Nations ruled Tuesday that Serbia and Croatia did not commit genocide against each other's people during the bloody 1990s wars sparked by the breakup of the former Yugoslavia.

[. . .]

The International Court of Justice said Serb forces committed widespread crimes in Croatia early in the war, but they did not amount to genocide. The 17-judge panel then ruled that a 1995 Croat offensive to win back territory from rebel
Serbs also featured serious crimes, but did not reach the level of genocide.

[. . .]

Tuesday's decision was not unexpected, as the UN's Yugoslav war crimes tribunal, a separate court also based in The Hague, has never charged any Serbs or Croats with genocide in one another's territory.

Croatia brought the case to the world court in 1999, asking judges to order Belgrade to pay compensation. Serbia later filed a counterclaim, alleging genocide by Croat forces during the 1995 "Operation Storm" military campaign.

Rejecting both cases, court President Peter Tomka stressed that many crimes happened during fighting between Serbia and Croatia and urged Belgrade and Zagreb to work together toward a lasting reconciliation.
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Spiegel International notes the new official concern in Germany about Russian influence in southeastern Europe. Serbia, embittered by its losses in the Yugoslav wars and traditionally pro-Russian, comes out as an object of particular concern, but Bosnia (due to Republika Srpska) and Bulgaria (due to historical leanings and current Russian investment) are also mentioned.

From the perspective of Berlin, Russia has gone from being a difficult partner to being an adversary within just one year. The effort launched in 2008 to tighten cooperation on a number of issues, one in which German leaders placed a great deal of hope, would seem to have come to an irrevocable end. Instead, Berlin is now discussing ways in which it might be able to slow down Russia's expansionary drive -- particularly in the Balkans, a region in which some states are not entirely stable. Elmar Brock, a member of Merkel's conservative Christian Democrats (CDU) and the chairman of the European Parliament's Foreign Policy Committee, is also concerned about the region. "It is part of a broad strategic approach by Russia to 'infiltrate' the countries politically but mostly economically," he says.

Cold War recipes are coming back into fashion. It is time to begin thinking about a new "containment strategy," says one high-ranking diplomat. The reference is to the concept for curbing Soviet power that was first sketched out in a famous telegram sent in February 1946 by then-US Ambassador to Moscow George Kennan. It went on to become the foundation for Western policy in relations with the Soviet Union.

[. . .]

Merkel would seem to have drawn her own conclusions. At a Monday lecture held by the German chancellor at the Lowy Institute for International Policy in Sydney, where she was following the G-20 summit in Brisbane, Merkel was clear about her view of Russia. "Truly, the Ukraine crisis is in no way a regional issue," she said. "It affects all of us." During the following discussion, she warned that the EU will not yield to Moscow like East Germany once did. "Otherwise, one would have to say: We are too weak, be careful, we can't accept any others, we have to first ask Moscow if it is possible. That's how things were for 40 years; I never really wanted to return to that situation." She then made a particularly notable comment: "And that doesn't just apply to Ukraine. It applies to Moldova, it applies to Georgia. If the situation continues ... we'd have to ask about Serbia, we'd have to ask about the western Balkan countries."

[. . .]

Apart from such tit-for-tat pettiness, Berlin has observed a broad new approach by the Kremlin in the Balkans. The focus, officials believe, is an attempt to prevent the region's further rapprochement with, or even accession to, the European Union. "RUS attaches great strategic importance to the Western Balkans," reads a Foreign Ministry analysis entitled: "Russia's Influence in Serbia."

The paper, which is classified as confidential, describes Moscow's efforts to link Belgrade closer to Russia. The endeavor goes beyond military cooperation and Russian deliveries of natural gas. Moscow, the paper indicates, is engaging in "public diplomacy with clear pan-Slavic rhetoric" and enjoys high esteem in the population, not least because of its approach to the Kosovo issue. "Putin's goal is to exert so much pressure on Balkan states that they either back away from EU membership or that, once they become members, influence EU resolutions in a pro-Russian manner," says EU parliamentarian Brok.
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Mike Blanch field at MacLean's reports that Romanian and Bulgarian upset with Canadian visa policies might hinder the passage of the Canada-EU free trade agreement.

As Prime Minister Stephen Harper prepares to celebrate the end of Canada’s free-trade negotiations with Europe on Friday, there is persistent concern that two unhappy eastern European countries could still derail the deal.

Canada requires a visa for travellers from Romania and Bulgaria and some European diplomats worry that one or both of the countries could block ratification of the agreement if the requirement is not lifted, The Canadian Press has learned.

Harper is to host European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and European Council President Herman Van Rompuy for a Canada-EU summit Friday in Ottawa.

The event is being touted as a victory lap in what has been a protracted five years of negotiation of the wide-ranging trade and investment pact with Europe, known as CETA.

But one western diplomat, close to the talks, says the Romanian and Bulgarian visa issue remains an irritant.

“There is still a problem with the Romanians and Bulgarians. Canada requires a visa for them, which upsets them a lot,” said the diplomat, who agreed to discuss the matter on the condition they not be identified.
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  • Al Jazeera notes the rivalry between the Islamic State and al-Qaeda, observes claims of persecution by evangelical Christians of followers of traditional African religions in Brazil, notes that separatism is unpopular in Scotland's border regions, considers the problems of a beetle theme park in the penumbra of Japan's Fukushima, looks at a Palestinian-American model, and considers rap music in Iran.

  • The Atlantic notes how events have vindicated the American Congress' Barbara Lee, the only person not to vote in favour of granting unlimited war-making powers to the American presiden after 9/11, looks at the existential problems of Yiddish outside of ultra-Orthodox communities, and examines Stephen King's thinking on how to teach writing.

  • Bloomberg notes the water problems of Detroit, looks at proposals to give Scotland home rule and Euroskepticism among the English, considers claims that Scotland might need huge reserves to back up its currency, notes ways sanctions threaten oil deals with Russian companies, examines Poland's natural gas issues and those of the rest of central and southeastern Europe, notes Ukraine's exclusion of Russian companies from a 3G cellular auction, notes the reluctance of Scottish banks to support an independent Scotland, and observes how domestic protectionism in Argentina is boosting Uruguay's beef exports to Europe.

  • The Bloomberg View argues that it should be possible to cleanly break up even established nation-states, is critical of what Colombia is doing to Venezuelan refugees, argues that the achievements of social insects like acts are irrelevant to more complex beings like us, and suggests Britain has no place to criticize China over Hong Kong.

  • CBC notes the strength of Inuit oral history following the discovery of one of the Franklin Expedition's ships, notes that the type of cancer that killed Terry Fox is now highly curable, and notes NDP leader Thomas Mulcair's proposal of a $15 an hour federal minimum wage.

  • The Inter Press Service notes Uzbekistan's fear of Russia motivating a look for eastern allies and suggests that an anti-discrimination law can worsen the plight of sexual minorities in Georgia.

  • MacLean's notes that Mexican economic development is good for Canada, looks at Catalonian secessionism, and suggests that a new EI tax credit won't help Canadian business boost employment.

  • Open Democracy looked at the likely outcome of Crimean elections under Russian rule.

  • The Toronto Star revisited the unsettled state of affairs in the Central African Republic.

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Transition Online's Bulgarian writer, Boyko Vassilev, writes about the soft power that Russia enjoys in Bulgaria--and, by modest extension of the writer's intent, in post-Communist regions and populations which didn't see a rapid turnaround after 1989. The young generation remembers the era of transition and not the era of Communism, and so its allegiances are influenced accordingly.

Those who wonder why so many Bulgarians and other Eastern Europeans support Vladimir Putin’s aggressive approach in Ukraine should take note. The hardships of transition have meant relative deprivation: you might be better off than you were 25 years ago, but your neighbor is much wealthier. So who is to blame? “The democrats,” the Americans (our new masters) and their culture. Free speech is not as attractive as employment and security. The EU is about bans, the United States is about wars. Fancy cars are expensive. Madonna is a hollow PR product; much deeper is Lyube, one of Putin’s favorite bands. And yes, those hamburgers and sodas make you fat or stupid, or both.

A completely different generation is on the rise. Those born in the 1980s and 1990s remember not communism but transition. For them it is easy to believe in the former’s benefits, because they know the latter’s problems. Unlike us, who had seen all the Russian films and only the good American ones, they have seen all of the Hollywood productions, but only the masterpieces from Moscow. As youngsters, they are natural revolutionaries, rising against the world’s sole superpower. First, they were anti-globalists, then nationalists. Now they cheer for Putin.

He also has a soft power, of a sort. A strongman, hunting tigers, defeating enemies, conquering lands, challenging Yankees, professing patriotism, faith, and mysticism: what else can you wish for a young man’s dreams? In a way, Putin resembles a Game of Thrones character. Even technology, supposedly Russia’s weak point, is a lure. I have heard younger people enthusiastically praise Russian social networks, Russian GPS navigators, and Russian smartphones.

[. . .]

Bulgarian pro-Westerners note, though, that those same young people head West when they leave the country in droves. But not every émigré is successful, and the disgruntled ones who return nurse a grudge against the West. Additionally, their parents back in Bulgaria hate the West, because it steals their children.
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  • The Burgh Diaspora's Jim Russell notes how Brazil is using the Afro-Brazilian majority legacy of the transatlantic slave trade to justify the construction of new transatlantic links with Africa.

  • Crooked Timber comments upon the Irish anti-abortion laws that just cost a woman her life and the homophobia of the Reagan administration that made HIV/AIDS a laughing matter.

  • Daniel Drezner wonders if the ongoing expanding Petraeus scandal will end up diminishing the American public's regard for the military.

  • Eastern Approaches notes that no one in the Balkans seems to be commemorating the one hundredth anniversary of the First Balkan War.

  • Far Outlier's Joel quotes from Matthew Restall's Seven Myths of the Spanish Conquest to describe how Christopher Columbus was really riding on the coat-tails of Portugal's successful long-range maritime exploration.

  • Geocurrents observes efforts by some Arab Christians in the Levant to revive Aramaic.

  • The Global Sociology Blog reviews Laurent Dubois' Haiti: The Aftershocks of History, highlighting the extent to which Haiti's catastrophes are the products of foreign meddling.

  • At Lawyers, Guns and Money, Erik Loomis maps Detroit. The extent to which the borders of the City of Detroit overlap with African-American majority populations, and to which the sprawl of Metro Detroit is constructed so as to detach the suburbs from any responsibility for the city at their region's center, is noteworthy.

  • The Planetary Science Blog's Emily Lakdawalla reports on Carl Sagan's feminism.

  • The Power and the Money's Noel Maurer summarizes what's going on with Uruguay's decriminalization of marijuana for personal use.

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The fact that the URL of T.J.'s post "How many building booms can one city take?" at the Economist blog Eastern Approaches is http://www.economist.com/blogs/easternapproaches/2011/03/macedonias_ethnic_disharmony (my emphasis) says everything. The Macedonian capital of Skopje is undergoing a construction boom, it seems, but everything that's turning up--monuments and houses of worship alike--is being used as material product of one ethnic conflict or another. The tensions between the Orthodox Christian Macedonians and the nominally Muslim Albanians is particularly noteworthy, although the long-standing and apparently insolvable dispute I blogged about in 2005 between Greece and independent Macedonia about the lineages of the past and complexity of modern regionalism is unending, don't worry.

Skopje has long needed sprucing up. But opponents of Nikola Gruevski, who have long accused the prime minister of populist nationalism, will hardly be dissauded by the nature of the construction boom (which the government has christened Skopje 2014). With an election in the offing, Mr Gruevski will no doubt enjoy taking credit for the new structures mushrooming throughout the city centre.

In Skopje’s central square a massive plinth is being built. It will soon be topped with a huge statue of Alexander the Great. Many Macedonians could not give a fig for Alexander. But they will be delighted to see the Greeks, who have been blocking Macedonia's EU and NATO integration over an objection to the country's name, turn apoplectic with rage when it is unveiled. The Greeks accuse the Macedonians of appropriating Alexander and trying to steal their Hellenic culture.

But that is just one element. Museums, domes, a new foreign ministry, a bridge bedecked with statues of lions and [. . . ] a triumphal arch are all springing up, transforming the centre of town. Some of the buildings suit the landscape, but the new constitutional court, with its massive Corinthian columns, seems a trifle overpowering.

Skopje 2014, which we first wrote about last year, has accentuated bitter disputes between the majority Orthodox Macedonians and Muslim Albanians, who make up a quarter of Macedonia's population. Whenever someone suggests building or rebuilding a church in Skopje, the Albanians demand the same for a mosque. Tensions invariably mount.

The most vivid example brought small groups of Macedonians and Albanians to fisticuffs. Recently, a church-like steel skeleton appeared on the site of an old church inside Skopje's fortress (pictured). The authorities claimed they were merely building a museum in the shape of a church. But Albanians reply that under the original church is an older Illyrian structure; as, they say, they are descended from Illyrians, the site should be theirs. Construction has now stopped, but the issue reveals the delicate balance between Macedonia's two communities, in which religion, identity, land and power are all deeply entwined.

The erection of statues of historical figures and grandiose public buildings looks like an expression of ethnic Macedonian identity. But they are not the only ones; their structures are merely the most visible to outsiders visiting Skopje's centre. Visit Albanian districts in and around the capital and you come across hundreds of new mosques.

Macedonia’s Albanians have a reputation of being much more religious than their brethren from Albania or Kosovo. Their mosque-building has even begun to alarm Albanians from Albania, where they have been labelled as "Talibans" in television chat shows.

Yet the Democratic Union for Integration, a Macedonian Albanian party, which is in coalition with Mr Gruevski, has strictly secular roots. So one wonders whether there is a sub-plot to the mosque-building frenzy. In most cases, a new mosque declares not only the glory of Islam, but that the land on which is stands is Albanian. The paradox is that you can find Albanian-controlled town halls flying American flags a stone’s throw from new mosques sporting Saudi Arabian ones from their minarets.

This is one reason why the church-museum affair is so touchy. Many Macedonians say they keep quiet about the often illegally-built mosques for the sake of social harmony. That is why it irks them that an attempt to build something that merely resembles a church becomes a huge incident. Albanians, by contrast, see Skopje 2014 and related projects like the church-museum as a project designed to shove “Macedonian-ness” down their throats.

None of this can end well, can it?
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The lineage of the humble Yugo subcompact automobile has come to an end

[T]he last Yugo, once the pride of communist Yugoslavia's automobile industry, will roll off its Serbian production line today in the central town of Kragujevac.

It will be missed here--but probably not in America.

Soon after it hit the U.S. markets in 1986, selling for just $3,990 (U.S.), the boxy Yugo was derided by American car magazines "as barely qualifying as a car" and "an assembled bag of nuts and bolts."

U.S. owners complained of frequent engine failures and transmission problems--with the manual gear sticks sometimes detaching and ending up in their drivers' hands--in addition to passenger doors and trim parts going AWOL.

When the U.S. Insurance Institute for Highway Safety conducted crash tests of 23 compacts in 1986, the car with the worst results was the Yugo, with $2,197 worth of damage in slow speed crashes against a flat barrier.

Still, more than 100,000 Yugo GVs--standing for Great Value--were sold in the U.S. before Yugo America, the company that imported it, went bankrupt and Washington imposed economic sanctions on Belgrade for fomenting ethnic wars in the Balkans in 1992.

Alan Cowell at The New York Times links the Yugo to other Soviet-bloc automobiles, like Czechoslovakia's Skoda, the Soviet Lada, and East Germany's Trabant, as a cherished status symbol, if one that was ultimately inferior to its western European counterparts. The replacement of the Yugo model with other cars is notable mainly for its lateness, although the technology may survive in one form or another--one news source suggests that the Democratic Republic of Congo might take up the torch.
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People following events in the former Yugoslavia migth be interested in journalist Eric Reguly's recent interview of Canadian mining magnate Peter Munk in last Saturday's edition of The Globe and Mail, "Berth of a nation", wherein the plan to convert Montenegro's Bay of Kotor into a destination for superyachts are discussed and dissected, with mention made of local corruption and Russian oligarchs, too0.

[T]he project has had a rough start. Thousands of Montenegrins took to the streets in protest when word got out that the old Arsenal navy yard would be recast as a playground for the idle rich. Some locals think Munk & Co. is building something akin to a gated community for floating Russian billionaires – Russian tourists and investors are already so thick on the ground that the country is known as “Moscow by the Med.” Marine biologists fear the yacht harbour will damage the already stressed ecology of the Bay of Kotor, the Med's only fjord and one of the loveliest anchorages on the planet.

Montenegro presses against Croatia, Bosnia, Serbia and Albania on the southern fringes of the Dalmatian Coast. The seaside is heaven. Green mountains plunge into the Adriatic, the water is cerulean blue and unsullied. Ancient towns, some fortified, dot the shores. Hotels, restaurants and shops are springing up everywhere, but the densities (and the prices) are nowhere near the horrific levels of France's Côte d'Azur.

If Mr. Munk gets his way – there is no reason to think he won't, given the money already invested and the approvals obtained – the Te Manu won't stick out from the crowd at Porto Montenegro, some 15 kilometres north of Budva. The Bay of Kotor marina will have berths for 650 yachts, 150 of them superyachts. Boats as long as 150 metres could be accommodated in a pinch.
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Over the weekend Serbia had its most recent parliamentary elections, and the news is good.

Pro-Western forces in Serbia began tough talks on Monday to cobble together a coalition, after the electoral commission confirmed they scored an upset poll victory over nationalist rivals.

President Boris Tadic's "For a European Serbia" alliance garnered 38.8 percent in Sunday's parliamentary elections dominated by the issue of Serbian ties with the European Union.

While short of an absolute majority, the alliance was well ahead of the ultra-nationalist Radical Party on 29.2 percent, said the commission.

There had been predictions of a possible nationalist backlash over widespread EU support for the independence of Serbia's breakaway province of Kosovo.

In the end, the result "undoubtedly confirmed a clear European path," Tadic said at his Democratic Party campaign headquarters.

"The Democratic Party will be the key player in the future cabinet," said the president, refusing to reveal who might be his prime minister.

"The negotiations will not be easy (but) I warn everyone not to play with the electoral will of the citizens and try to take Serbia back to the isolation of the 1990s," he said in reference to the hardline regime of late president Slobodan Milosevic.

The Democrats' expected coalition partners include the Socialist Party of Serbia, founded by Milosevic, and/or the Liberal Democratic Party, whose leader Cedomir Jovanovic negotiated the late strongman's arrest in 2001.

While it's disturbing that the Radical Party, founded by a man, Vojislav Seselj who is a proponent of eye-gouging, ranks second by popularity in Serbia, it's very good news indeed that the most popular political party in Serbia and the one most likely to form the government is a normal political party. Now Serbia has a fighting chance of catching up to Bulgaria.
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From Business Week, the article "Eastern Europe Might Never Catch Up":

Central and Eastern Europe states are in danger of never catching up with Western Europe, as the long term economic growth potential in the region is undermined by a widening human capital gap with the west of the continent, a report has warned.

The report -- called the European Human Capital Index -- ranked eastern EU members and candidates on their ability to develop and sustain their human capital, and was released by the Brussels-based Lisbon Council think tank on Monday (15 October).

Since the collapse of communism, economic growth in the former communist states is far above growth seen elsewhere on the continent, narrowing the difference in economic wealth between the two halves of the continent.

But researchers now fear that a continuation of this performance is unlikely, unless certain problems are urgently addressed.

"The entire study shows a closing of the gap in the last 15 years, but now it could widen again," Peer Ederer, the lead author of the study warned during the report's presentation.

"An economy does no longer only have to be efficiency-driven. If you want to be able to compete with Western Europe and Asia, you have to become an innovation-driven economy," he said later on.

In particular, the report highlights the region's shrinking population, continuous brain-drain, chronically high unemployment and inadequate investment in education and skills - especially in workers aged 45 or more -- as the main problems.

"Stop early retirement schemes, reduce unemployment, stimulate part-time employment. Keep them in the job, get them in the job, in every way possible," Dr Ederer said.

The Lisbon Council's website is here, and the report in question ("The Challenge of Central and Eastern Europe") is here.


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